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No doubt older work in the dual-process tradition overemphasized the importance and frequency of the override function, and the working model in this target article provides a useful corrective. The attempt to motivate the model using the so-called exclusivity assumption is unnecessary, because no recent dual-process model in the reasoning literature has rested strongly on this assumption.
Myside bias occurs when people evaluate evidence, generate evidence, and test hypotheses in a manner biased toward their own prior opinions and attitudes. Myside bias is displayed by people in all demographic groups, and it is exhibited even by expert reasoners, the highly educated, and the highly intelligent. Surprisingly, however, the degree of myside bias shown is not predictable from individual difference variables that we would expect to be associated with it. For example, it is not attenuated by cognitive sophistication, as measured by cognitive ability or thinking dispositions. Another way in which myside bias is an outlier bias is that, in most circumstances, it shows very little domain generality and appears to be very content dependent. Individuals who display high myside bias on one issue do not necessarily show high myside bias on another, unrelated issue. Because of these unusual characteristics, myside bias needs a different type of model – a content-based model, such as those deriving from memetic theory.
There are individual differences in rational thinking that are less than perfectly correlated with individual differences in intelligence because intelligence and rationality occupy different conceptual locations in models of cognition. A tripartite extension of currently popular dual-process theories is presented in this chapter that illustrates how intelligence and rationality are theoretically separate concepts. Thus, individual differences in the cognitive skills that underlie rational thinking must be studied in their own right because intelligence tests do not explicitly assess rational thinking. We close the chapter by describing our attempt to develop the first prototype of a comprehensive test of rational thought, the Comprehensive Assessment of Rational Thinking (CART). With the CART, we aim to draw more attention to the skills of rational thought by measuring them systematically and by examining the correlates of individual differences in these cognitive skills.
Elqayam & Evans (E&E) drive a wedge between Bayesianism and instrumental rationality that most decision scientists will not recognize. Their analogy from linguistics to judgment and decision making is inapt. Normative models remain extremely useful in the progressive research programs of the judgment and decision making field.
Cross-cultural studies from a large number of societies provide examples of practical intelligence manifested as practical know-how. A particular form of practical know-how that figures prominently in research on practical intelligence is tacit knowledge. Tacit knowledge is practical knowledge that usually is not openly expressed or taught directly. Although practical intelligence is related to performance in a variety of domains, studies in which both practical intelligence, primarily various measures of tacit knowledge, and IQ have been measured demonstrate that practical intelligence is distinct from fluid and crystallized intelligence. Sternberg has been the most forceful proponent of the concept of practical intelligence as one of three, distinct form of intelligence. Horn and Masunaga provide an account of the merging of a theory of intelligence with a theory of expertise. The increasingly influential alternative is embodied or grounded cognition.
Near the end of his target article, Baron argues that we need to address the question of how to conduct education in consequentialist decision making. However, recent trends in education have deemphasized and denigrated decentered and decontextualized thought. It is argued here that perspective decentering and decontextualized thinking are absolutely essential to the development of consequentialist reasoning.
The scope of this review must be restricted in several ways. First the focus is on reading specifically. Although reading is but a component of the language activities called literacy, it must certainly be at the heart of whatever concept of literacy is adopted (Venezky, Wagner and Ciliberti 1990).
When a layperson thinks of individual differences in reasoning they think of IQ tests. It is quite natural that this is their primary associate, because IQ tests are among the most publicized products of psychological research. This association is not entirely inaccurate either, because intelligence – as measured using IQ-like instruments – is correlated with performance on a host of reasoning tasks (Ackerman, Kyllonen, and Roberts 1999; Carroll 1993; Hunt 1999; Lohman 2000; Lubinski 2004; Rips and Conrad 1983; Sternberg 1977, 1985). Nonetheless, a major theme of this chapter will be that certain very important classes of individual differences in thinking are ignored if only intelligence-related variance is the primary focus. A number of these ignored classes of individual differences are those relating to rational thought.
In this chapter, I will argue that intelligence-related individual differences in thinking are largely the result of differences at the algorithmic level of cognitive control. Intelligence tests thus largely fail to tap processes at the intentional level of control. Because understanding rational behavior necessitates understanding processes operating at both levels, an exclusive focus on intelligence-related individual differences will tend to obscure important differences in human thinking.
This argument obviously depends strongly on differentiating the algorithmic from the intentional level of analysis. Therefore, in the next section I will outline the sources that I rely on for this conceptual distinction and how I will utilize the distinction to provide a framework for thinking about individual differences in reasoning.
The cognitive psychology of judgment and decision making helps to elaborate Gintis's unified view of the behavioral sciences by highlighting the fact that decisions result from multiple systems in the mind. It also adds to the unified view the idea that the potential to self-critique preference structures is a unique feature of human cognition.
Lea & Webley's (L&W's) Drug Theory solves many puzzles surrounding money-related behavior. I explore supplementing the Drug Theory with ideas from gene-culture coevolution theory and memetic theory.
The dissociation of fluid cognitive functions from g is implicit in the Cattell-Horn-Carroll gF-gC theory. Nevertheless, Blair is right that fluid functions are extremely important. I suggest that the key mental operation assessed by measures of gF is the ability to sustain mental simulation while keeping the relevant representations decoupled from the actual world – an ability that underlies all hypothetical thinking.
Although Ainslie rejects cognitivism as providing an explanation of willpower, a type of nonhomuncular cognitivism is hiding in his own proposal. The key mental mechanism of aggregating individual decisions (bundled reframings) involves representation and decoupling operations encompassed within the analytic system of dual-process mental architectures.