Abstract: As a geopolitical unit, Taiwan encompasses the island of Taiwan and the Penghu (Pescadores) Islands, as well as the Mazu (Matsu) and Jinmen (Kinmen) islands off the coast of mainland China. Its official name is the Republic of China. From an international legal standpoint, it is not at all clear whether Taiwan, as it has just been described, is a sovereign state, part of a state, or a completely distinct entity. An array of opinions on this topic has emerged among scholars of international law. The following article presents some of the critical issues surrounding the legal status of Taiwan.

Keywords: legal status, international recognition

Introduction: The Taiwanese Problem during and after World War II

Taiwan came under Japanese rule through the Treaty of Shimonoseki of April 17, 1895 under the island's erstwhile name – Formosa. Under the terms of the Treaty, Imperial China ceded sovereignty over the island to Japan perpetually, along with the Pescadores Islands and all of their fortifications, their arsenal, and publicly owned property (Article II).

As part of the Cairo Declaration of November 26, 1943, the heads of state of the Republic of China, the United States, and Great Britain announced their intention to return all territories that had formerly belonged to the Republic of China and that Japan had taken by force. Manchuria, Formosa, and the Pescadores Islands were named explicitly in the Declaration. The subsequent Potsdam Declaration defined the circumstances of unconditional surrender of the Japanese forces to the Allies; henceforth, the sovereignty of Japan would be circumscribed to the islands of Honshu, Hokkaido, Kyushu, Shikoku, and minor islands determined at a later date. Japan accepted these conditions of surrender without question on September 2, 1945.

In accordance with the Supreme Allied Commander's order, the Japanese forces that remained in mainland China and Taiwan surrendered to the Chinese army following the Potsdam Declaration. In October of 1945, Taiwan was already under restored Chinese rule and promptly became a province of China. On January 12, 1946, a decree was passed that reinstated Chinese citizenship for all inhabitants of Taiwan.

Abstract: This chapter aims to address the question of the extent to which Taiwan's transformation and practice of democracy is exceptional. It is argued that in terms of the sources, process and outcomes of its political transformation and democratic development to date, Taiwan is indeed unique. In terms of sources, there are three major traditions supporting the claim that Taiwan's democracy is uniquely constructed. In addition, Taiwan's diplomatic isolation propelled it in various ways to pursue deeper democratization so as to maintain or strengthen its support and legitimacy. For the process dimension, in a Taiwanese-versus-mainlander bi-communal context, until the early 1990s, there was a transformation from a control model toward consociationalism. There is also a growing tendency to move further toward Lijphart's Majoritarian model of democracy. Coupled with the disconnection of the external dimensions of state-building from the internal ones, the overall process is exceptional. Insofar as the outcome or ‘end condition’ of democratic development is concerned, Taiwan has had certain achievements. Among them, the realization of an international review of its national human rights report as well as extending protection for LGBT rights are pioneering steps that testify further to Taiwan's exceptionalism. Nevertheless, there are also challenges ahead. These challenges include strengthening rule of law on the institutional side, ‘blackgold politics’ (political corruption), polarization of party politics, media and over-politicization in some policy areas, an increasing disaffection toward democracy, vested interests and monopolization of power resources in several sectors, incomplete protection of rights, the China factor, the Trump factor, and the reconcilability of Confucianism and Western individualism. These problems, if unaddressed, might constrain Taiwanese democracy from developing further to its full extent. Specifically, the status quo or exceptional ‘sovereignty deficit’ condition in which Taiwan is embroiled means that the exercise of self-determination by the Taiwanese would be virtually prohibited to such an extent that there is a ‘glass ceiling’ capping Taiwan's practice of democracy.

Keywords: exceptionalism in Taiwanese democracy, control, consociationalism, Majoritarianism, sovereignty deficit

Abstract: This chapter introduces readers to the book. It first elucidates a belief shared by all of its authors concerning Taiwan's exceptionalism in two areas – external and internal affairs. Second, it looks at the literature on the unique situation of Taiwan in the landscape of international affairs and its consequences for the island, with particular attention to the state of research on this topic in Poland. Finally, it presents the structure and content of this volume.

Keywords: Taiwan, China, international recognition, international status, sovereignty, South China Sea, UNCLOS, United States, cross-Strait relations, soft power, diplomacy, democratization, Sunflower Movement, civil society, indigenous tourism, sustainable tourism, ecotourism, environmental awareness

Introduction

Take a look at the political map of the world and you will see that almost every piece of land belongs to a state. This division – in contrast, for example to the split created by a valley between two mountains – is man-made, imaginary and arbitrary, and therefore can be easily questioned. Indeed, in addition to the multiple disputed borders that permeate the world map, some countries are not recognized or partially recognized. Other states decide whether a certain political unit can be recognized as sovereign. Again, even though their decision concerns imaginary divisions created by borders, accepting or rejecting them has far-reaching consequences in real life. The unrecognized country remains excluded from a club of sovereign states, which makes cooperation with its members very difficult or even impossible. It has no choice but to invent novel ways to conduct external relations. Moreover, this specific international situation has a major impact on its politics, people's lifestyles, culture, etc.

This book is about such an exceptional entity in the international community of states – Taiwan. Taiwan is a small island that covers an area of 35,883 km2 and lies nearly 180 km off the southeastern coast of mainland China across the Taiwan Strait. Its surface is approximately 395 km long from north to south and 145 km across at its widest point. Its landscapes are captivating. No wonder the Portuguese sailor navigating towards Japan in 1542 called this land Ilha Formosa – “beautiful island.”

Abstract: Conflict analysis in the South China Sea brings up several fundamental questions. First, can these disputes truly escalate into armed conflict among the states involved? Second, are the instruments and rules of conduct employed in the region effective in conflict management and will they enable the sides to achieve common ground – or will the conflict simmer in perpetuity? Third, will the countries involved in the disputes respect international law and act in accordance with the accepted rules and regulations, or will they take an instrumental, ad-hoc approach to them and break them at their whim and fancy? The South China Sea is a hotbed of rivalry not only among the countries of the region, but perhaps especially between China and the United States. It is important to conduct a closer examination of Taiwan's role in this geopolitical game. We find that Taiwan's unique political and legal status transforms the South China Sea dispute and the careful management thereof into a true matter of “to be or not to be.” Realizing the importance of its maritime interests, Taiwan should be more active in upholding them; however, it should also ensure that its foreign relations with other claimant and non-claimant states remain positive and its initiatives for cooperation remain feasible. Taiwan should send a clear massage reaffirming its commitment to abide by the principles of international maritime law, placing emphasis on its role as a regional peacemaker, leader in regional cooperation, and responsible stakeholder.

Keywords: South China Sea, disputes, international role, UNCLOS

Introduction

The situation in the South China Sea has been quite stable for many years. The countries that are directly involved in the long-standing dispute have turned their attention to domestic problems. The presence of the U.S. Navy in the area has also been an important stabilizing factor. Moreover, the People's Republic of China did not take any significant steps on this issue for a number of years. For a long time, the PRC was unable to successfully push for its own claims on a wider scale. Recently, however, the situation has changed – a fact that cannot be separated from recent changes in China's perception of its own security. It seems that China has shifted its attention from mostly land-based military threats to challenges to its authority at sea.

Abstract: Taiwan's external relations are ‘exceptional.’ Due to the island's contested international status and limited recognition, public diplomacy often provides Taipei with the only channel to conduct external affairs through the soft-power resources it enables. Therefore, in order to assess the island's foreign policies, it is crucial to understand its soft power capacity.

This chapter analyzes the challenges to the exercise of Taiwan's soft power as well as its effects in selected Polish dailies. First, it looks for themes that may enable and disable Taiwan's soft power in the scholarly literature and documents released by Taipei's govermental actors. Second, it examines whether these themes pertaining to the island were present in two Polish dailies – “Gazeta Wyborcza” and “Rzeczpospolita” – during a one-year period from November 1, 2016 to October 31, 2017. The newspaper analysis aims to reveal narratives that are alternative to those promoted publicly and that are related to the image of Taiwan, other significant international actors, and Taiwanese governmental as well as non-state executors of public policy, all of which may contribute to an enabling or disabling environment for Taipei's soft power. It applies techniques and methods from media research and discourse analysis.

Keywords: public diplomacy, soft power, Taiwan diplomacy, newspaper analysis

Introduction

Taiwanese diplomacy is ‘exceptional’ due to the island's contested international status. Taiwan is not recognized by the majority of the states of the world and, for this reason, its international space is severely limited. Currently, it enjoys formal diplomatic relations with only 14 countries and the Holy See and cannot become a member of the foremost international organizations, particularly those where statehood is a prerequisite. As a consequence, Taipei's politicians and administrations responsible for the conduct of foreign affairs must show a great deal of ingenuity to utilize the traditional diplomatic tools of sovereign states, such as propaganda or diplomatic and economic statecraft. One must admit that Taipei has been very creative in its diplomatic endeavors by inventing “pragmatic diplomacy,” “dollar diplomacy,” “holiday diplomacy,” “academic diplomacy,” “flexible diplomacy,” “substantive diplomacy,” “medical diplomacy,” “viable diplomacy,” etc.

Abstract: In the last two decades, cluster policies have emerged as a central focus for decision- making processes related to territorial development. Additionally, tourism networks have attracted a great deal of attention and have widened the perspective of organizing for the development of economic systems. The main purpose of this study is to build on the initial work by Ritchie and Hudson on the evolution of scholarly conceptualizations of the tourism experience using aboriginal tourism in Taiwan as an illustration, with a view to further enhancing our understanding of the conceptual and theoretical foundations of the aboriginal tourism experience. This paper therefore synthesizes the literature and discusses the problem of a rationale for aboriginal (indigenous) tourism cluster formation in Taiwan as well as the impact of such clusters on the productivity of local communities and the competitiveness of different destinations.

Keywords: tourism cluster, tourist destinations, sustainable tourism, indigenous tourism

Introduction

As tourism is, to a large extent, responsible for economic growth, employment, and regional balances between individual countries and across regions, numerous tourism entities are looking to reinforce their potential in the development of tourism on the local and regional level. The competition among Tourism Destination Areas (TDAs) is not centered on individual aspects of the tourist product (environmental resources, transportation, tourism services, hospitality, etc.), but on the tourist destination as an integrated set of tourism facilities and experiences. However, an individual tourism organization provides only one or several components of the total tourism product that is consumed during the complete tourism experience. That is why the best modality for objectifying the production and supply of tourism products at the level of TDAs are clusters of tourism and non-tourism entities. From both an economic and social standpoint, their development and success are dependent on cooperation and sustainability.

It is beyond doubt that the current tourism development model, which also applies to indigenous tourism, has serious spatial and social consequences. These include the transformation of settlement networks and the quality of building resources as well as extensive social changes that often prove irreversible, like waning indigenous cultures and rising social pathologies.

Abstract: The goal of this paper is to define the place of the Sunflower Movement in the context of the development of Taiwanese civil society. The movement was an informal popular mobilization that revealed the shortcomings of the existing formal channels of political participation. But was it also proof of the development and increasing maturity of Taiwanese civil society? To answer this question, the author places the Sunflower Movement in the context of mainstream civil society concepts, which helps to inform further reflection about the nature of civic activism in Taiwan. This, in turn, allows us to analyze the extent to which the Sunflower Movement fits the criteria of civic activism and the degree to which it has introduced a new quality to Taiwanese political life.

Keywords: Sunflower Movement, Taiwan, democratization, civil society

Introduction

The Sunflower Movement was an emanation of complex changes both in the relations between Taiwan and the People's Republic of China and in the internal politics of Taiwan. After March 2014, Taiwanese policymakers had to face questions concerning not only the framework of future talks with the Mainland, but also, just as importantly, the social perceptions of the government's actions. The inability of the ruling Kuomintang (KMT) to adapt to changing social circumstances signaled by the protests and the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)'s skillful political offensive – partly based on the momentum created by the demonstrations – gave the latter party both the majority in the Legislative Yuan and the Presidential office for the first time since the lifting of martial law (1949–1987).

However, the Sunflower Movement should not be viewed as the underlying cause of changes in Taiwan's political landscape. Regardless of how the sit-ins and occupation of government buildings are perceived, the Movement should be viewed as a reference point signaling an important change in Taiwan's contemporary political history. And regardless of whether its legacy will survive or whether it will be politically exploited and diminished, it has already highlighted some major, important characteristics of Taiwanese democracy.

First and foremost, Taiwanese democracy is too strong not to be ignored in high-level diplomacy between Taipei and Beijing. Taiwanese citizens do not accept any form of ‘managed democracy.’

Abstract: This paper argues that recognition of Taiwan's status quo and security resulting from the guarantee of triangular relations with the United States and China should not eliminate the impact of local, societal, and political factors on the respective power positions of the players involved or their embroilment in the U.S.-China-Taiwan triangle. The study explores these factors influencing the identities and interests of players with the advent of political leadership changes. We ask how policies adopted by newly elected politicians toward others in the triangle contribute to Taiwan's stability in the future.

Keywords: cross-Strait relations, triangular relations

Introduction

Today, the distinctiveness of Taiwan in the world is still shaped by the legacy of the Civil War in China in 1949, in addition to the Cold War in Asia. It is continually reaffirmed through declining international recognition for the Republic of China on Taiwan (ROC, Taiwan), amounting to only 17 states in 2018. Taiwan maintains its status quo in an atypical way, co-crafted through an intricate security mechanism of relations with profound influence from the United States (the U.S.) and the People's Republic of China (PRC, China). This phenomenon has been widely discussed within academia, regardless of the methodological assumptions in the field of international relations. It comes as no surprise that the relations between the U.S., China, and Taiwan have ultimately been captured using the well-grounded and fitting term ‘triangle.’

Various studies facilitate an understanding of the Taiwan issue by explaining triangular relations. Lowell Dittmer introduced the perspective of the ‘strategic triangle,’ operationalized as the contingency of each bilateral relation with the third power and the security dimension of that contingency. Dittmer identifies Taiwan's triangle as dependent on linkages between the U.S., USSR, and PRC – the Great Strategic Triangle during the Cold War. After this broader strategic nexus collapsed, Taiwan's triangle became ‘autonomous’ – a mini-triangle, characterized by the “imbalance of power among the three actors.” By distinguishing between positive and negative behavior between two symmetric and asymmetric players – “strongly influenced by the power ratio (strong/weak),” Dittmer outlined the possible configurations of the triangles by bilateral amity and enmity in the triad, such as ‘Stable Marriage,’ ‘Romantic,’ and ‘Ménage a trois,’ later supplemented by a fourth configuration – the ‘Unit-Veto.’

Abstract: Among many species of fish, sharks are distinctive in the Chinese cultural environment due to the tradition of consuming shark-based products in countries inhabited by ethnic Chinese. Offering dishes based on shark meat to guests was traditionally perceived as a sign of hospitality and was thought to bring happiness, health, and wealth. Currently, the attitude towards the use of these species in Taiwan is changing; increasingly, many people decide to actively protect them. Consequently, numerous educational campaigns on sharks have been launched, followed by growing demand for tourist services related to sharks, especially watching these animals in their natural habitat.

The goal of this study is to analyze the unique conditions for the development of shark-related ecosystem services in Taiwan, especially ecotourism. The key variables analyzed are the rising level of environmental awareness, support by formal and informal institutions, and the contributions of role models for sustainable business. The paper presents a case study of a company offering shark diving, the social and institutional conditions for its operations, and their consequences for various stakeholders. Research methods applied in this paper include a case study supported by document analysis as well as individual interviews. The results show that Taiwan has favorable conditions to develop this niche market and shape a new ecosystem service from an ancient tradition. However, there are still major social challenges to overcome.

Keywords: sharks, ecotourism, marine tourism, embeddedness, environmental awareness

Introduction

Taiwanese society is a melting pot of different cultures. Its history involves a rich heritage of native aborigines, migrations from various continents (Europe, Asia, the Americas), and the influence of well-known faiths and schools of thought such as Confucianism or Buddhism. All these factors have shaped modern Taiwanese society in its attitudes toward the most pressing societal problems. One of them is a shift towards green consumption.

The concept of green consumption, which prioritizes responsibility for the environment, emerged in Western countries at the end of the 20th century. Taiwan is in an exceptional cultural position, as it lies at the intersection of Western and Eastern cultural circles. Similarly, the idea of green consumption attracts a growing number of Taiwanese citizens.

Introduction

In many Eastern European democracies, the institutionalization of political parties is considered to be weak. This does not mean that political parties are irrelevant or are weakly organized, but rather that Eastern European parties are weakly linked to society.

With the notable exception of the Hungarian FIDESZ party, Eastern European parties seem to be incapable of capturing and building a stable electoral support system. However, other features of party institutionalization indicate remarkable strength. One such feature is the internal organization of political parties. Many Eastern European political parties can be characterized by mass party internal organization, though their rank-and-file members are far less numerous than traditional mass parties. Despite their weak links to society, Romanian political parties have developed complex hierarchical and territorially-based organizations. This is an outcome of the communist legacy on one hand, and of the legislative framework that forces parties to adopt similar structures on the other. It is our speculation however, that the “on-paper” rights of lower party echelons are not enforced. Romanian party leaders wield fantastic power, which indicates weak party organization and a strong dependency of parties on their leaders.

This analysis is more descriptive and exploratory, and concentrates on detailing the most relevant political parties. We will begin with a discussion of the rules that govern the creation of political parties, and follow with a comparative description of the four most relevant political parties, focusing on national, regional, and local organization.

The Creation of Political Parties in Romania

This section will focus on the complex laws providing for the creation, dissolution, and internal organization of political parties in Romania, and will be followed by a description of the political parties selected for this study. We claim that political parties in Romania are highly centralized and dominated by leadership. Recent changes in legislation, as well as experimentation by political parties, are aimed at democratizing the institutional framework and giving a voice to grassroots party members in the decision-making process. In this paper we will focus on the internal organization of four political parties: the PSD; the PNL; the UDMR; and the UNPR. According to a September 2015 survey, these are the parties that would be most likely to cross the 5% vote threshold, if parliamentary elections were organized next week (INSCOP 2015).

Party organization is usually one of the least known aspects of party structure and behaviour, and the few pieces of literature that examine the organization of political parties are based mostly on the specific profiles of Western European parties. In a narrow sense, party organization refers to the different internal organizational structures of a political party, ranging from the basic unit to the central party organizational level, i.e. from the party membership to its leadership. For a more detailed conceptualization, we must look at the following: levels of constitutional and statutory regulation of party activity, behavior, and public funding (van Biezen 2008); party organizational strength and its bureaucrati-zation (e.g. Gibson et al. 1983); the importance of the party's membership to its electoral support (e.g. Kopecký 1995); the procedures and degree of membership participation in the nomination and selection of candidates and party leaders (e.g. Pennings and Hazan 2001); the degree of power concentration within a party as well as its centralization (e.g. Katz and Mair 1995); and finally, the relationship between the central organization and the party in public office (e.g. van Biezen 2000). Exploring the puzzle of party organization is therefore a central issue for the understanding of a political party.

This article takes a deeper look at the abovementioned aspects of party organization in Albania through a detailed analysis of the content of national legislation on political parties, statutory norms, and the current power structures of Albanian political parties. In addition to the formal “official story” of party organization, we also consider the behavior of party actors and informal data in order to fully understand the real internal organization of parties in Albania. In order to examine more carefully the party organizations in Albania, we have taken into account only the main parties from the left and right spectrum that have existed since the fall of communism and have been continuously represented in parliament. The two main political parties with the above key features are the Democratic Party (DP, Partia Demokratike e Shqipërisë), and the Socialist Party (SP, Partia Socialiste e Shqipërisë) of Albania.

Introduction

Montenegro, along with Serbia, was one of the last former-socialist states in Europe to witness the introduction of multi-party political competition. The ancien regime, organized around the politically unchallenged Montenegrin League of Communists (“Savez komunista Crne Gore”), came to the end in the late 1980s. The first political organizations outside the structures of the ruling party were established in the first half of 1989. Nonetheless, they were not officially legalized for another year.

The new Law on Citizens’ Association (“Zakon o udruživanju građana”), that prepared the ground for the regime change in Montenegro, was adopted by its Parliament on 11 July, 1990. Soon after, the Parliament passed amendments No. 64 through 82 to the 1974 Constitution of the Socialist Republic of Montenegro, which abolished the delegate model of political representation and allowed for direct multi-party elections. Finally, the first formally democratic general elections in Montenegro took place on 9 December, 1990 (Goati 2001). Throughout the subsequent quarter-century, the country has gone through a period of extremely turbulent political development. This turbulence has been marked by: the 1992–1995 collapse of former Yugoslavia; the 1992 creation of a new federal state of Montenegro and Serbia, dominated by Serbian strongman Slobodan Milošević; the breakaway of the pro-Western Montenegrin government, and the country's genuine democratization following the 1997 division of its ruling party; the renewal of Montenegro's independence in 2006; and its gradual advancement along the path of EU and NATO integration.

Since 1990, the main party organizations in Montenegro have been more or less successful in adapting to rapidly-changing political circumstances. Founded on the organizational principles of the former highly-institutionalized League of Communists, the aforementioned Democratic Party of Socialists has demonstrated the largest capacity for programmatic and structural transformation. As noted by Vuković: “Once the pillar of the Montenegrin hybrid regime, the DPS played a key role in the country's democratization after the 1997 split within its leadership. Moreover, having been the most vocal advocate of a state federation with Serbia for more than a decade, it became the main political force behind the renewal of Montenegrin independence” (Vuković 2015: 73).