The Four Periods

Dr Tan Ta Sen, President of the International Zheng He Society (Singapore), gave a speech to the Peranakan Chinese Association in Melaka in 2013, arguing that the “Peranakan [Chinese] community was born during the Cheng Ho [Zheng He] and Western colonial eras. Their main characteristics was at first being localized (indigenized-Malay or Indonesian), then Westernized during the colonial era, and re-Sinicized at the present national stage”.

He divided the Chinese migrations to Melaka and Southeast Asia into “four periods”, the first of which being the “Cheng Ho and [early] colonial period”. Although he did not mention the years of this specific period, I believe he refers to 1405–1643. That is because 1405 was Zheng He’s first voyage while 1643 was the end of the Ming dynasty. He also argued that this was the period when the Peranakan Chinese community came into being in Southeast Asia, and the characteristic of this period is the “localization” of the Chinese. However, the Zheng He period in fact was very brief, i.e. 1405–33. After the demise of Zheng He, the Ming dynasty abandoned the expeditions and China began to be inward looking again. From the post-Zheng He period up to 1643, the Portuguese, Spanish and Dutch came to colonize maritime Southeast Asia.

The second period in Dr Tan’s speech was from 1644 (the beginning of the Qing or Manchu dynasty) to 1840 (the eruption of the Opium War in China). During this period, i.e. between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries, Southeast Asia countries were colonized by the West. Many Chinese who did not want to live under the Manchu rule left for Southeast Asia; some took refuge in Melaka and became the Peranakans. Dr Tan argued that the Peranakan Chinese culture was in fact a fusion of the “Chinese, Western and Malay cultures”.

The third period, still in the nineteenth century, was after the Opium War (1840). China was then in turmoil and the Chinese came to Southeast Asia in large numbers for better economic opportunity. The number of Chinese new migrants outnumbered the Peranakans, and the Peranakans began to be “re-Sinicized”.

The fourth period started since World War II and lasted until now. Dr Tan argued that the re-Sinicization process which characterized this period remained till the present day. But the process was interrupted by the nation-building projects which took place after the war.

The Chinese Indonesian Muslim community has been active again in recent years. The presence of Chinese Muslims in Indonesia is not new; there were Chinese Muslims prior to the coming of Cheng Ho (also spelled as Zheng He), a Muslim admiral during the Ming Dynasty, to Indonesia and the Chinese Muslim community was boosted in size with his visit (1405–33) but those Muslims who came then had been largely assimilated and merged into the local population. The present Chinese Muslims are relatively newer; some of them are new converts during the Suharto era and after. This chapter attempts to briefly examine the Muslim Chinese in Indonesia in terms of their origins and developments with special reference to the post-independence development. The chapter would also address the issue of Chinese-ness and Indonesian-ness among the Chinese Muslim communities.

Pre-Colonial Era

Prior to the arrival of Western colonialists, some Chinese Muslims had migrated to the Malay archipelagos. When Cheng Ho visited the areas which are now known as Indonesia, he discovered Chinese Muslim enclaves. Many argued that although Cheng Ho’s mission was not to spread Islam, but it is believed that as a Muslim, he was involved in spreading the religion. In addition to Chinese temples, he built many mosques. More researches in the spread of Islam in the Malay archipelagos during the Cheng Ho period are needed, but it is interesting to note that they are many Islamic legacies attributed to Admiral Cheng Ho. From historical records such as Lidai Bao’an (Ryukyu Kingdoms Records) and also Raffles’ History of Java, it was reported that some Chinese Muslims were engaged in spreading Islam in Sumatra and Java. The rise of Islamic kingdoms in Java has also been attributed to Chinese Muslims. Although some Muslim scholars doubted this as a historical fact, the historical legacies, including the architecture of mosques and Muslim tombs, and local legends pointed to the influence of China and the Chinese in Java. Many Chinese Muslims gradually integrated into local society and disappeared, and new Chinese migrants were mainly non-Muslims, giving rise to a different type of Chinese community. Nevertheless, there were still Chinese Muslim enclaves in Indonesia even after the coming of the Dutch.

Ladies and Gentlemen, I felt extremely honoured to be here today to share with you my thoughts on the prospects of the Peranakan community at the age of globalization. Being a Baba and Nyonya yourself, I am sure you are very concerned about the future of the Peranakan community. The word “Peranakan” is more commonly used in Bahasa Indonesia than in Bahasa Melayu. In the past, the terms “Baba and Nyonya” were commonly used to refer to the localized Chinese. However, Peranakan in fact includes all localized foreigners or their descendants. Thus, we have the Chinese Peranakans (Baba and Nyonya), Indian Peranakans (Chitty or Mamak-Indian Muslim), Portuguese Peranakans, and European Peranakans (Eurasian or Serani). Melaka is the home of the Peranakans in both Malaysia and Singapore and so it is not only appropriate and relevant but also historically significant for me to deal with this topic here. Although I am a Singaporean, and not a Baba myself, in the past decades I have business concerns in Melaka and frequently visited Melaka. Thus, I am virtually a local Melakan, living at the centre of the old town and have witnessed the change that has taken place in the past two decades.

I would like to begin by giving you a few significant glimpses into the history of the Chinese diaspora as well as the eventual development of the Peranakan community in Melaka so as to set the tone of proper historical perspective. The Chinese have been migrating southward from China to Southeast Asia for centuries, driven from their homeland by economic necessity, political disturbance, flood and drought. Chinese diaspora outside China are generally addressed as Tang Ren (Teng Lang, 唐人) because since the seventh century in the Tang dynasty, Chinese mariners and traders were engaging in considerable international maritime trade, travelling as far afield as East Africa through the Straits of Melaka. They actually went to mainland Southeast Asia as early as the Qin dynasty and were addressed as Qin Ren (秦人). However, they were merely sojourners before the fourteenth century.

Cheng Ho’s (Zheng He, 郑和) historic seven voyages to the western ocean in the early fifteenth century marked the first wave of Chinese migration to Southeast Asia. Cheng Ho discovered the presence of Chinese settlements in Island Southeast Asia.

Introduction

Since the last decades, there has been a resurgence of interest in Peranakan Chinese culture in Singapore, Malaysia and Indonesia as witnessed by the opening of a Peranakan museum and the making of a popular TV series “Little Nyonya” (xiao niang re 小娘惹), both in Singapore; the republication of pre-war Peranakan literature, the exhibition of Peranakan furniture, and the publication of a Peranakan pictorial book, all in Jakarta, the establishment of the Benteng Heritage Museum in Banten, West Java; and seminars on Peranakan Chinese and the renovation of Peranakan houses in Malacca, Malaysia. Although the resurgence is still rather weak, yet it has been noticeable.

This chapter examines the Peranakan Chinese culture with special reference to their literature in the above three countries, their developments, their similarities and differences, and their future development. By Peranakan Chinese literature, I mean the literature in Malay/Indonesian or Dutch/English produced by the Peranakan Chinese. It should be noted that this chapter does not mean to be comprehensive; rather, it aims to present the subject matter in a comparative perspective. Through a comparative study, we will be able to see different factors and conditions which result in the development of different literatures. I am fully aware that the topic is broad and complex, therefore I would like to treat this chapter as a preliminary survey rather than an in-depth study.

Publications in Peranakan Malay: Pre-Independence

The Peranakan Chinese elite in colonial IMS were either Dutch-educated or English-educated, but Peranakan Malay was used as the medium of communication with the Peranakan masses. It is not surprising that in IMS, Peranakan publications are divided into Malay and Dutch/English versions and those in Malay are the largest in number. Some publications use two languages (i.e. Malay and Dutch, or Malay and English), but the Malay portion is often larger than the foreign language section.

Let us look at the publications in colonial Indonesia (known as Dutch East Indies) and British Malaya and Singapore.

Colonial Indonesia

Towards the end of the nineteenth century, with the rise of Chinese cultural nationalism in Southeast Asia, especially in Indonesia, the Peranakan began to translate Chinese popular stories into the language that they are familiar with: Malay.

The Resurgence of Peranakan Associations

On 24–25 November 2018, I was invited to attend and give a keynote speech at the 31st Peranakan/Baba Nyonya Convention (abbreviated as the 31st Peranakan Convention) in Tangerang, West Java, Indonesia. I also had the opportunity to observe the interactions between the Peranakans from Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, Thailand and Australia. There were about 600 participants from these countries, of whom, more than 500 were from outside Indonesia.

To have smooth interactions with the Peranakan participants, English was made the medium of communication. Privately when the Peranakans from different countries communicate, they still use more English than Malay. This is because not all Peranakans are fluent in Indonesian or Malay, with the exception of Indonesian Peranakans who use Indonesian as their daily language. This point is important to remember in order to avoid an impression that the Peranakan Chinese are a homogeneous group. The so-called Peranakan Malay/Indonesian is not used either as this is a dying language and its vocabulary and structure are not sufficient to express complicated matters.

The Convention’s programme was rich. Aside from the keynote speech and two paper presentations on the Peranakan Chinese history and hybrid culture in Java, there were musical performances and a series of workshops on things Peranakan Chinese, ranging from food, cuisine, batik and games. In addition, there were visits to Peranakan historical sites in Tangerang, Central and East Java. This was some sort of a Peranakan cultural journey in Indonesia which lasted a few days, coinciding with the theme of the conference entitled “Exploring the Roots of Peranakan”.

The roots of the Peranakan are also quite controversial as both Indonesian Peranakan Chinese and Malaysian Peranakan Chinese thought that their Peranakan societies are the oldest, and hence they are the roots of the Peranakan. It is difficult to argue which Peranakan community is the oldest as more studies are needed. However, from the information available, it seems that the Indonesian Peranakan appeared to be older and much larger in number. During the (1405–33) expedition of Zheng He (Cheng Ho), Ma Huan discovered a number of Chinese clusters in Java (namely Gresik, New Village, Surabaya and Majapahit) and Sumatra (Palembang), and many of these Chinese were also Muslims.

The term Peranakan Chinese has had different meanings throughout the history of the Malay world. However, the degree of Malayness is often used as one of the criteria for the use of this term. In this chapter, I use Peranakan Chinese to mean the local-born Chinese who use a local language, usually Malay, as their home language, although the elite in the past were mainly Dutch- or English-educated. This chapter will examine the socio-political position of the Peranakan Chinese community in Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore during the colonial period and post-independence, including the era of globalization. From this comparative survey, we will be able to see a variety of Peranakan communities and ascertain their future developments.

It should be noted here that the socio-political position of the Peranakan Chinese, to a large degree, has been determined by both the colonial and independent states. The state policy towards the Chinese minority in general, and the Peranakan Chinese in particular, shaped the Chinese society. In colonial society, the social stratification was based on race, and the Chinese were placed under the Europeans but above the indigenous population. In independent Southeast Asia, with the removal of Europeans from the position of power, the indigenous population raised to the top. The Singapore case is unique as it is a Chinese dominant state and the Chinese are at the top. Nevertheless, as a modern state, Singapore’s social stratification is more inclined to “meritocracy” and class rather than race.

Peranakan Chinese in the Colonial Era

Indonesia

Prior to the nineteenth century, most Chinese migrants were easily absorbed into the Peranakan society as they were small in number. But by the end of the nineteenth century, a larger number of Chinese migrants had arrived in Indonesia, especially Java. These later comers did not integrate into the Peranakan group but remained as totoks and formed a totok Chinese community. The arrival of a large number of totoks also coincided with the rise of overseas Chinese nationalism. The Pan-Chinese organization, Tiong Hoa Hwe (Hwee) Koan (THHK, 中华会馆), which was initiated by the Peranakan Chinese with the support of the totok, was established. It aimed at promoting Confucianism through the establishment of Chinese-medium schools.

As this book addresses the issue of Peranakan identities, it is therefore essential for us to examine the concept of political and national identities of a few major Peranakan leaders from the colonial period to after independence. As the situation of IMS differs from country to country, it is therefore imperative for us to have examples from the three countries and a brief comparison between these leaders and their political and national identities. The comparison would definitely throw new light on the characteristics of the Peranakan Chinese in each country and their likely different future.

For the purpose of discussion, two or three Peranakan leaders from each country during the colonial period and two or three leaders from each country after independence have been selected. The selection category is based on the position of the leadership, the influence they had on the Peranakan community, and the availability of information on their thoughts with regards to their political and national identities.

However, it is difficult to differentiate Singapore Peranakan leaders from those of Malaysia (or Malaya). As a matter of fact, both countries had the same leaders before the separation. It is only possible to differentiate Peranakan leaders of the two countries after Singapore left Malaysia and attained an independence status.

Before proceeding further, the Peranakan Chinese situation in IMS needs to be clarified. In Indonesia, the Peranakan Chinese remain quite influential politically as their number has become even larger after Indonesia attained independence, while in Malaysia and Singapore, the traditional Peranakans are declining in number. The leadership position of the Peranakans in Malaysia has gradually been taken over by the non-Peranakan Chinese, as reflected in the MCA leadership. While in Singapore, the leadership position of the Peranakan Chinese in the People’s Action Party (PAP) has been strong, one can also see that Singapore Peranakans are adjusting to the international and national development.

Having mentioned the background, let us look at the Peranakan leaders that are selected in this chapter. For the colonial period, Tjoe Bou San, Kan Hok Hoei and Liem Koen Hian are selected for Indonesia; Lim Boon Keng and Song Ong Siang are selected for both Singapore and Malaya/Malaysia. For the independence period, Siauw Giok Tjhan, Yap Thiam Hien and Abdul Karim Oei Tjeng Hien are selected for Indonesia; Tan Cheng Lock and Lee Kuan Yew are selected for Malaysia and Singapore respectively.

At the beginning, it is imperative for us to explain key terms Peranakan and other related terms such as Baba, Nyonya (Nonya), Straits Chinese and Straits-born Chinese to avoid misunderstanding. In fact, the terms are not very straightforward, and the meaning of the terms tended to change from period to period.

Peranakan

Peranakan, a Malay word, is now used as a generic term to refer to the local-born Chinese who speaks Malay or a local language at home. The present meaning of the term is the descendants of the union between indigenous people (anak negeri) and foreigners. It is not known when the term first came into existence. In the nineteenth century, The Hikayat Abdullah, which was written by Munshi Abdullah, did not mention the term Peranakan but mentioned two Baba in British Malaya.

His son, Mohamed Ibrahim, wrote a book and used the term peranak awak to refer to the people in Penang who were born locally to Siamese or Burmese fathers and Chinese mothers. But the meaning is different from our ordinary usage. In fact, in the mid-nineteenth century, the term Peranakan was already quite popular. According to a dictionary published in 1856, the Malays called the “mixed race” of Chinese descendants “Peranakan China” (Peranakan Cina, according to the current spelling) during that time. Later, the term Peranakan was used as the abbreviation of Peranakan Cina, as if the Peranakan question was a solely Chinese phenomenon.

In fact, there were many types of Peranakan. The term was used to refer to the Indian Peranakan or “Jawi Peranakan”, who were the descendants of Indian Muslims and Malay women. Nevertheless, because of the large number of Peranakan Chinese, the term Peranakan has generally been associated with the Chinese community.

The Peranakan phenomenon was not confined to Singapore and Malaysia only. It was quite common to the region as a whole, including Indonesia and the Philippines. While the term Peranakan has been used in Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore, a different term—“Mestizo”—has been used to refer to a similar group in the Philippines. However, unlike the mestizos in the Philippines, who became Filipino rather than Chinese, the Peranakan Chinese in Singapore, Malaysia, and Indonesia remained largely “Chinese” in terms of their identity.

Introduction

Since the late nineteenth century, ethnic Chinese have been active in the Indonesian press, publications of books and creative writings in proto-Bahasa Indonesia (Malay). They have made significant contribution at least in the above three fields. This chapter examines briefly their role in these fields from the colonial period to the present. This is based on my earlier works and recent observation as well as the studies by other scholars. In the process of writing this chapter, I became more aware that more studies on the relevant topics should be conducted in order to fill the gaps. From available research findings however, one notice that the role of Indonesian Chinese was essential in the formation and development of the Indonesian press, language and modern literature, but this was often overlooked, if not neglected, by many Indonesianists in the past. There has always been a stereotype that ethnic Chinese are economic creatures and that they are only interested in making money, and nothing else.

Before discussing their role, it should be remembered that ethnic Chinese in Indonesia were and are not a homogeneous group. They can be divided at least into two types: the Peranakan or local-born Indonesian-speaking Chinese, and the totok (i.e. singkeh) or foreign-born and Chinese-speaking Chinese. In the first half of the twentieth century, the Chinese in Java were primarily Peranakan while those in the outer islands were primarily totok. With Indonesia’s independence, totok Chinese have been rapidly Peranakanized, if not Indonesianized. Nevertheless, the process has been much more rapid in Java than in the outer islands, due to both the historical factor and settlement patterns. Speaking of Indonesian Chinese, I mean to include both the Peranakan and totok, but it seems that the Peranakans contributed more to the above three fields than their totok counterparts for obvious reasons: the Peranakans have stayed longer in Indonesia and have partially been assimilated to the local culture.

Apart from this socio-cultural background, it should also be noted that the role of ethnic Chinese has been facilitated by their socio-economic status in both colonial and independent Indonesia. Ethnic Chinese have been urban dwellers (especially in Java) and have been widely exposed to the development of capitalism.

Part I of this book examines the historical evolution of Peranakan communities in three countries, namely Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore (IMS), their development, decline and recent revival in the era of globalization and the rise of China. This chapter focuses on Indonesia. It will be followed by the next chapter on Malaysia and Singapore. A subsequent chapter will address recent developments of these communities provided with a general conclusion.

Introduction

There are a few books on the study of the Peranakan Chinese in Indonesia, one of them was Peranakan Tionghoa Indonesia: Sebuah Perjalanan Budaya (The Chinese Peranakan in Indonesia: A Cultural Journey), which was published in 2009. This is a coffee table book, written by a few Indonesian Peranakan scholars such as Mona Lohanda, Myra Sidharta, David Kwa and Handinoto etc. It covers Indonesian Peranakan literature, architecture, clothing, and food.

However, the most comprehensive coverage of the Indonesian Chinese history and culture is Tionghoa dalam Keindonesiaan: Peran dan Kontribusi dalam Pembangunan Bangsa (Chinese in the Indonesianess: Roles and Contributions in Nation-Building). The book consists of three volumes, covering the role and contribution of the Indonesian Chinese in more than ten areas such as language, literature, press, culture, arts, sports, designs, food, real estate, banking, economy, health, medicine, architecture, education, military, and politics. This book is not about Peranakan Chinese per se, but the majority of the chapters are in fact related to them.

Origins of the term Peranakan and Baba

No one is certain about the first appearance of the term Peranakan in Indonesia. However, in Dutch publications, Peranakan was already used during the eighteenth century to refer to the offsprings of mixed marriages between foreign males and Indonesian females on the Java Island. However, the term was specifically used by the Dutch to refer to the locally-born Chinese who were Muslim. The Dutch even appointed the Peranakan Kapitan so that Chinese Muslims could be distinguish from the “indigenous Muslims”. However, since 1832 the Peranakan Kapitan in Jakarta was abolished, as the Muslim Chinese were assimilated into the indigenous population. The meaning of Peranakan had also changed. Since then the term was more frequently used to refer to the offsprings of mixed marriages without any religious connotation.

In recent years, there have been more studies on the ethnic Chinese, especially with regard to their identities. There are a few in-depth studies on the Peranakan Chinese in Malacca (by Tan Chee Beng), Penang (by Ho Eng Seng), and Singapore (by Jurgen Rudolph). These studies are significant and have thrown new light on these Chinese. Tan Chee Beng has also done a general study on the Peranakan Chinese beyond the Straits Settlements.

Benefitting from the above studies, this chapter re-examines the Peranakan identities in Singapore and Malaysia, from the colonial era to the present. Was the Peranakan identity a sociocultural identity or a political identity or both? Was it a self-identity or an identity given by others? Were the Peranakan Chinese confined to the British Straits Settlements? The chapter also discusses the life experiences of the Peranakan Chinese after independence, what the present Peranakan identities are and what the future holds for them.

It is generally known that the ethnic Chinese in Singapore and Malaysia are heterogeneous. One of these groups, known as the Peranakan Chinese or Cina Peranakan, is also known as “Straits Chinese”, “Straitsborn Chinese”, and Baba (male Peranakan Chinese) and Nyonya (female Peranakan Chinese).

It should be pointed out that the earliest term used to call the local Malay and English-speaking Chinese was Straits Chinese or Straits-born Chinese. The term Baba also has early currency among this community, while the term peranakan came into use only in the twentieth century, especially after World War II.

Nowadays, Straits Chinese and Straits-born Chinese are used in the historical context, but Baba remains quite popular. Some writers and the Peranakans themselves use Peranakan and Baba interchangeably, but in fact they are not identical. For a detailed discussion on various definitions of these terms, see the previous chapter.

Typical Peranakan or Baba?

We often assume that the Peranakan or Baba in Malaysia constitute a homogeneous group. In reality, the Peranakan or Baba are heterogeneous. There is no typical Peranakan or Baba. Peranakan Chinese/Baba can be considered as a spectrum ranging from those who are most Malaynized (“localized”, as Tan Chee Beng calls it) to the least Malaynized. While the Penang Baba are the least Malaynized, the Malacca Baba are the most Malaynized. Malaynization involves the use of the Malay language and the adoption of Malay dress and cuisine.