INTRODUCTION

Little more than a year after the ratification of the Final Agreement (FA) between the Government of Colombia (GOC) and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia- Ejército del Pueblo FARC-EP) by Congress, on November 28–29, 2016, rural social leaders and human rights defenders appeared in Bogotá wearing white masks to conceal their identities demanding protection from the threat of assassination. They had come to Bogotá to meet with the Minister of Defence, the Minister of the Interior and the Vice-President about their inclusion on a death list of 209 people. The public appearance of the death list alarmed them because of the growing number of social leaders that had been assassinated over the previous two years since the finalization of the FA. They were also haunted by the memory of an earlier peace agreement reached in the late 1980s which had resulted in the assassination of around 3,000 members of the Patriotic Union (Unión Patriótica (UP)), the leftist party established by FARC-EP and the Colombian Communist for them to participate in democratic elections. The Santos government had presented the peace accord as an important moment of transition – “Let's not forget what we are doing today; we’re trying to end more than 50 years of war” (Sergio Jaramillo government negotiator). For the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), the plight of social leaders was a sign that the peace process was in crisis and the government needed to take seriously the question of accountability for the murders.

INTRODUCTION

AIMS

This book is about the increasing turn to international law to manage violent internal political conflicts and their outcomes. Historically, conflicts have been brought to an end by a variety of means:

These paths to conflict resolution involve the participation of different actors, orientations and audiences producing different outcomes that vary in their durability. The concern of this book is with the expanded use of international law to manage violent internal political conflict in the context of legal globalization and post-Cold War international interventions. In other words, the way the increased application of international law represents an expansion of the global rule of law in the context of both diminished state sovereignty and the expansion of the protection of peoples and persons through international humanitarian and human rights law.

The contemporary expansion of the role of international law in internal conflict resolution and peacemaking has occurred in the context of legal globalization and the rapid growth of law as the framework and mechanism regulating transnational affairs. The judicialization of politics has also seen the ‘ever-accelerating reliance on courts and judicial means for addressing core moral predicaments, public policy questions, and political controversies’. National high courts are increasingly called upon to resolve issues over individual rights and public policies relating to ‘criminal justice, property, trade and commerce, education, immigration, labour and environmental protection’.

INTERNATIONAL LAW, HUMAN RIGHTS AND ANTI-COLONIALISM

In 2010, two international legal cases addressed impunity and serious human rights violations in Kenya. The first case involved the decision by the UK High Court in London to hear a case against the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) brought by Mau Mau veterans for compensation for serious human rights violations suffered during the colonial Kenyan Emergency (1952–1960). The second case involved the ICC preliminary investigation into the responsibility of Kenyan political leaders for the 2007 post-election violence. Together these cases represented a human rights framing of political violence which the Kenyan Human Rights Commission (KHRC) constructed as an historical catalogue of crimes – human rights violations, crimes against humanity – and impunity dating back the colonial state and continuing into the postcolonial state. This chapter explores the impact of the resort to international courts to challenge elite impunity in Kenya by addressing serious human rights violations. It asks: has international criminal justice contributed to political justice in Kenya? The rescaling of justice to the UK High Court and the ICC represents the judicialization of politics arising from the chronic failure of the postcolonial state of Kenya to resolve fundamental conflicts over elite pactism, elite impunity, ethnic representation, land inequality, and the centralization of political power since independence. The UK High Court and the ICC emerged as new judicial arenas to pursue justice for the victims of state violence committed by the colonial and then the postcolonial state respectively, and at the same time, serve as an instrument to exert political leverage in the struggle for political reform and recognition in Kenya.

In 1973, in Birmingham, the International Society of Family Law was born.

Professor Falk was the one in whose brain this brilliant idea took form.

The objective of the Society was the study and discussion of Family Law.

Furtherance of international research, dissemination of ideas and much more.

The first ISFL World Conference was held in West Berlin, in 1975.

Its theme,‘ The Child and the Law’, is still so very much alive.

The second World Conference in Montreal, Canada, in 1977,

was on‘ Violence in the Family’, an ever-present painful cry to heaven.

’ Family Living in a Changing Society‘ was theme of World Conference three.

In 1979, in Sweden, new knowledge gained, we didn‘t leave ignorantly.

Come 1982 at Harvard Law School, the fourth World Conference was held.

The first in the USA, but the theme, I do not know, and no one could tell.

Belgium in 1985 was the fifth , on‘ The Family, the State and Individual Security‘.

Still so relevant and concerning to all, whether you live in country or the city.

The sixth World Conference in 1988, in Tokyo, Japan, was the first in Asia.

’ Issues of the Ageing in Modern Society‘ was the theme chosen for us to hear.

The seventh World Conference in 1991, in Croatia, had longest title you‘ d see:

’ Parenthood, The Legal Significance of Motherhood and Fatherhood in a

Changing Society‘.

The eighth World Conference , in 1994, in Cardiff , Wales, was my first.

’ Families Across Frontiers’, an intellectual fare, birthed in me an insatiable thirst.

For the ninth World Conference in 1997, I went to Durban , South Africa, to dine.

One of the conference presentations later published in the Survey was mine.

’ Changing Family Forms: World Themes and African Issues‘ was the topic.

INTRODUCTION TO PART I

PoC has been a core part of UN peace operations for over 20 years. Between 1999 and 2021,123 the following fift een UN peace operations have been provided with a PoC mandate: UNAMSIL, the United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC) (which was replaced by MONUSCO in 2010126 and to which, from 2013 onwards, the Intervention Brigade was added), the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL), the United Nations Operation in Côte d’Ivoire (UNOCI), the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) (which was replaced by the United Nations Mission for Justice Support in Haiti (MINUJUSTH) (i.e. a police mission and thus not included in this study) in 2017), the United Nations Operation in Burundi (ONUB), the United Nations Mission in Sudan (UNMIS) (which was replaced by the United Nations Interim Security Force for Abyei (UNISFA) and the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS)), the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL), the United Nations—African Union Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID), the United Nations Mission in the Central African Republic and Chad (MINURCAT), MINUSMA, and MINUSCA. In the last decades, the UN Security Council has also provided UN Member States and regional or international organisations other than the UN with an explicit mandate to protect civilians in the territory of a third State. In 2001, the UN Security Council initially provided UN Member States with an authorisation to undertake a PoC mandate in Afghanistan.

The loss of Sanford Katz is a shock for the international family law community. He embodied the spirit of the International Society. Sanford was larger than life and aware of his eminent stature in academia, yet totally without the pomposity that sometimes accompanies academic stars. He was gentle– even humble– in his approach to everyone and their theories. He was grateful for the good things life had given him. He was a bon viveur, although almost puritanical in his relationship with drink, and many an outing with him was devoted to finding the right restaurant and perusal of the menu. He was a founding member of the ISFL and later its president; but, more than that, he was a presence who kept all the very diff erent attitudes of the members, their countries, their conferences and their publications together, disputing but harmonious. He had the knack of identifying trends well ahead of the time that others took, of preparing conferences on those trends, and bringing together disparate views on the topic, not only from all over the US but from all over the world, and synthesising them into a guide to family law and its direction. He did all this in a genial way and with an aptitude for smoothing over the diff erences.

Sanford‘s scholarly work was not only broad-ranging but always in step with the vogues of the family law world. His own private opinions were rather more traditional, seen not least in his life-long devotion to Joan, his sons and his grandchildren, and his love of his Newton home. He kept to himself his disapproval of some of the positions now de rigueur in family law. In his writing, he displayed that same ability to bridge various jurisdictions and viewpoints and bring them to one whole authoritative account. In his generous-spirited way he had not a bad word to say about anyone, but there was plenty of gossip to be had about the family law personalities.

Ce chapitre met en lumi e re l‘é volution des discussions relatives au rô le de l‘ homme dans la prise de dé cision d‘ avoir un enfant en Afrique du Sud. Par uneé valuation de la jurisprudence locale eté trang e re ainsi que de la doctrine, elle vise a souligner la reconnaissance progressive des inté r e ts des hommes et leur protection lorsqu‘ une dé cision relative a un avortement est en cause. La né cessité de prendre en compte et de pré server les inté r e ts des hommes dans ce domaine a suscité un dé bat important et croissant. En Afrique du Sud, o u les dé cisions en mati e re d‘ avortement appartiennent exclusivement aux femmes, les hommes sont souvent confronté s a de lourdes consé quences, tanté motionnelles que financi e res. Alors que le discours dominant sur les droits en mati e re de procré ation est centré sur l‘ autonomie des femmes, le pré sent article montre l‘ importance de la reconnaissance et de la dé fense des inté r e ts des hommes dans ces domaines. Il souligne la né cessité d‘ une approche plusé quilibré e, qui reconnaisse pleinement les dimensionsé motionnelles eté thiques de l‘ implication des hommes dans les dé cisions relatives a l‘ avortement. Il s‘ agit de montrer les avantages et les dé fis potentiels de la prise en compte des inté r e ts des hommes dans les discussions sur l‘ avortement. Pour ce faire, la place de la famille, de l‘ autonomie personnelle et des normes socié tales sont prises en compte. L‘ analyse s‘ inspire, en outre, des lexiques juridiques, des articles, des ouvrages et des lois en recourant a une approche qualitative.

La lé gislation de chaqueÉ tat fé dé ré relative a l‘ avortement est particuli e rement complexe. L‘ Alabama compte a lui seul plus de 50 textes lé gislatifs distincts ré glementant l‘ acc e s des personnes a l‘ avortement ( a la diffé rence de la ré glementation desé tablissements pratiquant l‘ avortement) et le Texas en a 47. De plus, les lois desÉ tats fé dé ré s remontent souvent a une centaine d‘ anné es, comme l‘ illustre la ré cente dé cision de l‘ Arizona dans l‘ aff aire Planned Parenthood Arizona v. Mayes . La ré glementation de l‘ avortement n‘ est, par ailleurs, pas inscrite dans un unique texte ou code, mais rel e ve du code pé nal, du code civil, des ré glementations en mati e re de santé et d‘ assurance, des orientations des autorité s, des documents budgé taires, etc.

Le pré sent article part du constat que les dé bats publics relatifs la ré glementation de l‘ avortement dans lesÉ tats desÉ tats-Unis dits« rouges» ( i.e. votant traditionnellement pour le parti Ré publicain) sous-estiment gravement la complexité des lois dont ils sont censé s discuter. Les outils de suivi accessibles au public, tels ceux du New York Times, de l‘ institut Guttmacher ou d‘ autres encore, tentent de ré sumer la lé gislation en se plaç ant dans une perspective globale visant a dé gager des grandes tendances. Mais ces ré sumé s, destiné s au grand public, simplifient largement la complexité des textes en indiquant, par exemple, si dans unÉ tat fé dé ré une exception pour viol existe dans la loi, au lieu de donner les caracté ristiques de chaque loi et de pré ciser ce qui dé termine l‘ acc e s des personnes a l‘ avortement. En minimisant la complexité et ené liminant les nuances, ces outils de suivi ont alimenté des idé es fausses sur l‘ application de la loi– par exemple lorsqu‘ il s‘ agit de savoir si une femme peut e tre poursuivie pour avoir avorté.

Le fé minisme a (du moins en apparence) exercé une infl uence considérable sur la pensée juridique. Il s‘ agit certes d‘ un sujet important, mais aussi d‘ un sujet politiquement incontournable. Qui a peur de ne pas e tre fé ministe de nos jours?La pensé e fé ministe se traduit par des textes et des cadres juridiques qui visent a assurer l‘é galité des femmes dans l‘ acc e s a la justice, l‘é galité avec les hommes dans tous les domaines, l‘é galité des salaires et des chances au travail, la ré glementation des soins, de la famille et de la vie personnelle. Ce discours« politiquement correct» impose un certain langage, une formulation inclusive et une repré sentation des femmes dans tous les domaines.

Les progr e s sont en partie ré els. Dans la plupart des pays occidentaux, la situation des femmes est meilleure qu‘ elle ne l‘ a jamaisé té au cours de l‘ histoire. Cependant, certaines amé liorations restent a faire et, ce qui est plus grave, certaines discussions thé oriques dans le fé minisme contemporain et certaines politiques sociales et lois conç ues initialement en faveur des femmes se sont retourné es contre elles. La cause de ce renversement de situation est probablement l‘ approche de la pensé e fé ministe elle-m e me.

Le pré sent chapitreé tant le ré sultat d‘ une recherche de quatre ans sur les nouvelles discriminations a l‘é gard des femmes et, plus ré cemment, sur les discriminations structurelles et symboliques, notre objectif est de pré senter tr e s bri e vement certaines des conclusions auxquelles nous parvenons relativement : (a) aux discussions thé oriques actuelles au sein des mouvements fé ministes et aux consé quences pratiques de l‘é volution de la conjugalité , de la parentalité et de la prise en charge des enfants ; (b) et auxé lé ments a prendre en compte dans le cadre de futures orientations.

Historiquement, les questions relatives aux droits reproductifs se sont surtout concentré es sur la protection des droits des femmes, en particulier dans le contexte de l‘ avortement. Le rô le des p e res dans la prise de dé cision en mati e re de procré ation, notamment en ce qui concerne l‘ avortement ou la garde de l‘ enfant, a souventété négligé. Le syst eme juridique sud-africain actuel oblige les p eres a soutenir financierement leurs enfants, meme si le p ere n‘ avait pas l‘ intention d‘ avoir cet enfant ou si la m e re a refusé d‘ avorter. Cet article examine les mé thodes qui peuvent e tre dé veloppé es pour proté ger les hommes qui expriment explicitement leur dé sir de ne pas devenir p e re ou qui demandent a une m e re d‘ avorter dans un dé lai acceptable. En outre, il explore des mesures tels que le transfert et la congé lation d‘ embryons, le don d‘ ovocyte et le don de sperme comme alternatives visant a sauvegarder les droits parentaux de ceux qui choisissent de renoncer a leur autorité parentale et a leurs droits parentaux. Le texte plaide pour uneé volution du cadre juridique existant afin de faire progresser et d‘ atteindre l‘égalité des sexes dans la prise de dé cision en mati e re de procré ation et de protection du bien- e tre de l‘ enfant s‘ il naî t.

L‘é tude utilise une approche qualitative et met en place des ré sultats qui pourraient e tre utiles aux dé cideurs politiques. Elle pré conise des recommandations pour atteindre l‘é quité entre les sexes dans la prise de dé cision en mati e re de procré ation.

INTRODUCTION TO PART III

While Part II dealt with the PoC mandate as a mission-specific legal basis underlying UN (mandated) peace operations deployed to protect civilians, Part III deals with the legal regimes governing the application of the use of force to protect civilians by UN (mandated) peace forces on the ground. Practitioners are confronted with complex questions concerning the legal parameters governing the use of force in such specific PoC situations. By way of illustration, may UN (mandated) peace forces use force against rebels who, aft er entering a village and firing several rounds, start retreating but are likely to return? Is lethal force justified against rebels in retreat, and if so, under what conditions? May UN (mandated) peace forces launch pre-emptive strikes against hostile actors based on a past pattern of similar attacks, or do they need credible information that attacks will happen in the – immediate or more distant – future? Similarly, if a soldier suspects that a suicide bomber is about to detonate a bomb in a crowded camp for IDP, must he fire warning shots first or may he directly target the suspect in the crowd? Is immediate lethal force in such a situation authorised, and if so, under what conditions?

The legal regimes primarily cover the when and how of the use of force in specific PoC situations at the tactical level of the operation. While the legal regimes involved can be either international or national, this study has a particular focus on international law.

Trois dé cisions marquantes de la Cour supr e me desÉ tats-Unis– Brown v. Board of Education , 347 U.S. 483 (1954), In re Gault , 387 U.S. 1 (1967), et Michael H. v. Gerald D. , 491 U.S. 110 (1989)– mettent ené vidence les consé quences induites par une analyse jurisprudentielle erroné e des droits de l‘ enfant. Ces aff aires s‘ appuient sur une fausse dichotomie entre le fondement et la substance des droits de l‘ enfant, tant en mati e re civile que pé nale, et dé montrent la né cessité d‘ une interpré tation uniforme des droits constitutionnels de l‘ enfant qui serait centré e sur l‘ enfant en lien avec lesé lé ments dé coulant de la jurisprudence relative au Quatorzi e me Amendement. Pour construire ce syst e me centré sur l‘ enfant, il est né cessaire de reconnaî tre l‘ absence de prise en compte des droits de l‘ enfant dans sa vie quotidienne au sein de son foyer, de l‘é cole eté galement devant les tribunaux pour mineurs. Il s‘ agit de trois domaines distincts dans lesquels la Cour a permis des avancé es jurisprudentielles vers une reconnaissance des droits constitutionnels de l‘ enfant, mais a ensuite battu en retraite, laissant les droits de l‘ enfant insuffisamment proté gé s et pié gé s sous un plafond de verre lié a sonâ ge. L‘ incapacité de la Cour aé laborer un syst e me complet de protection constitutionnelle, c‘ est- a -dire fonctionnant dans ces trois domaines, conduit a des ré sultats qui ne sont pas centré s sur les droits de l‘ enfant ou qui ne les respectent pas.

A l‘ image d‘ un microcosme des changements sociaux, le dé veloppement et l‘é volution du droit de la famille dans la Chine contemporaine, apr e s la fondation de la Ré publique populaire de Chine, sonté troitement lié s a cetteé poque particuli e re et a un certain environnement social. S‘ appuyant sur les excellentes traditions juridiques et culturelles chinoises, le droit de la famille dans le Code civil de 2020 aé téé laboré en incorporant le droit initial du mariage et ses interpré tations jurisprudentielles, avec les caracté ristiques nationales et les particularité s de l‘é poque. Le Code civil inclut le droit de la famille, accorde une grande importance a la construction de la« civilisation» familiale, fait de la liberté , de l‘é galité et de la justice les valeurs fondamentales en la mati e re, met l‘ accent sur la protection des mariages et des familles par l‘É tat, respecte l‘ inté r e t supé rieur des enfants et renforce les mesures d‘ aide pour les groupes dé favorisé s ou le conjoint innocent, ce qui constitue uneé tape capitale dans l‘ histoire lé gislative de la nouvelle Chine. Parall e lement, le droit de la famille inscrit dans le Code civil de 2020 esté galement confronté a de nouveaux dé fis. Il est né cessaire d‘é laborer de nouvelles orientations sur la validité et l‘ application des accords de fidé lité entreé poux sur la base d‘é tudes de cas. La clause relative aux« bonnes traditions familiales» doit e treé tudié e afin de dé terminer si elle peut e tre appliqué e en tant que disposition normative dans la construction de la« civilisation» familiale. Il est important d‘ observer et d‘é tudier l‘ eff et de la mise en oe uvre de la disposition relative au dé lai d‘ attente dans le cadre du divorce et de prendre des mesures pour amé liorer son fonctionnement.