Executive function is an umbrella term used to describe a collection of complex cognitive processes, which include decision-making, acting as a mechanism of integration rather than a function in itself. It is thought to consist of three main elements: inhibition, working memory and cognitive flexibility – each of which is important in the execution of decisions. Executive functions, like decision-making, are especially difficult to understand and conceptualise due to their abstract nature. Abstract thinking refers to an ability to form ideas that are not concrete, or that cannot be perceived in the present environment – a key contributor to complex decisions that involve integration of past experiences and planning ahead.

In the first years of the twenty-first century, Presidents Vladimir Putin and George W. Bush sought to develop a strategic and economic partnership. Yet by 2007 US–Russian relations were marked by friction, and after 2012 they deteriorated into bitter enmity. This chapter argues that blaming the degeneration of relations on the KGB background, paranoia, and imperial ambitions of Putin is too simple and one-sided. It shows that the United States also spurred the decline by supporting “color revolutions” in countries around Russia, promoting NATO membership for Georgia and Ukraine, pushing regime change in countries such as Syria, Libya, and Venezuela, and placing missile defense systems in Eastern Europe. Although Russia and the United States cooperated on a strategic arms reduction treaty, Russian entry into the World Trade Organization, and restrictions on Iran’s nuclear program, conflict increasingly overshadowed such collaboration. That outcome was not inevitable. Instead, unwise policy choices led to clashes, dishonest statements eroded trust, needlessly provocative rhetoric exacerbated tensions, and media sensationalism inflamed antipathies between Americans and Russians.

Chapter 3 argues that the virulent racism Ghanaians – students, diplomats, and workers – faced in the United States, Bulgaria, the Soviet Union, and Ghana were vital in creating and shaping a global Ghanaian national consciousness. These were, what I argue, “Racial Citizenship Moments.” Calls for protection to the Ghanaian state against racism in many walks of life were central to articulating ideas of citizenship and (re-)framing the state’s duty to its people. This bottom-up pressure, bottom-up nationalism, and social diplomacy shaped the functions of the Ghanaian state apparatus, both domestically and internationally. In addition, the chapter also seeks to dispel the myth that racism functioned ‘differently’ in the Eastern bloc. It moves past the idea of Soviet and Eastern European exceptionalism, particularly its estrangement from the processes and movement of white supremacist ideas. The spread of people and ideas – a truism in life – meant that the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe were not inoculated from white supremacist ideas. While the Communist Bloc’s foreign policy statements and private diplomatic cables expressed racial equality and solidarity, through the trope of “Black Peril,” I show how anti-Black racism in the Eastern Bloc looked uncannily familiar to other parts of the globe and how its reproduction in the Eastern Bloc was devastating to Black subjects.

Neither the First nor the Second Moroccan Crisis escalates to a war between the major states. In the First Moroccan Crisis, Kaiser Wilhelm II did not believe it was worth fighting a war over Morocco. In the Second Moroccan Crisis, the actors had recourse to the norm of compensation, which provided a focal point and procedure that guided the negotiations. It ultimately made a bargain possible and facilitated a peaceful resolution to the crisis. Nevertheless, despite the use of the norm of compensation and accommodationists at the highest levels of German decision-making, the case shows that coercive bargaining could have led to war.

The brief for this chapter is to consider kingship in the abstract, that is both how late medieval people theorised kingship but also their assumptions, prejudices and expectations about what a king could and should do. The difficulty with this task is that, although these two domains overlap, they are distinct. The hard, theoretical categories of professional thinkers are different from the unspoken assumptions that a time-travelling anthropologist might uncover. The English took their political theory from different ages and places, occasionally adapting it to fit local conditions. This might seem surprising, since the period was rocked by momentous developments in the powers of kings and what their subjects expected them to do. Established ideas can prove surprisingly resilient despite their inapplicability to changed circumstances.

Social psychiatry focuses on the interpersonal and cultural contexts of mental disorder and mental wellbeing. Research in this area examines the relationship between psychiatric disorders and the social environment. This includes the consequences of positive or negative life events at the individual level, as well as broader themes – such as discrimination and inequality - at the societal level. This chapter aims to illustrate how research in social psychiatry has advanced our understanding of the role of social factors in the aetiology and management of mental disorders. We provide breakdowns of six high-impact research studies including summaries of background, methods, results, conclusions, strengths, and limitations. In addition, we provide some information about common pitfalls and methodological considerations that are specifically relevant to social psychiatry for novice researchers in this area, and our thoughts regarding future challenges and opportunities in this field.

While many European countries had used rationing and price ceilings to respond to emergency hunger situations before the First World War, these measures had been limited in their scope to cities and smaller areas, and were of short duration, generally lasting weeks or months. The long-term experience of hunger in the First World War era shattered civilian expectations of state responsibility and pushed governments to act in new and different ways. This chapter examines how a variety of states chose to respond to the changing experiences of insufficient food supplies and hunger faced by their citizens as they realized that their previous plans, or lack of planning, were insufficient. This chapter is the first comparative analysis of the technical and political aspects of food distribution systems in the First World War for a wide range of different states. The timing and practices implemented by different governments differed for both practical reasons – food did not disappear at equal rates everywhere – and for political reasons.

The common law permits employers to fix the wages payable under the contract of employment and also upholds a broad principle of no work–no pay. Statute protects employees against deductions from their wages that are not authorised by the terms of their contract. Subject to the express terms of the contract, in some circumstances employers may be under a duty to provide work so that employees can earn a living. These rules embrace a principle of mutuality that protects the expectation of the employer that work will be performed and of the employee that work will be remunerated. The National Minimum Wage sets a floor on wages for all workers. The chapter describes the method of assessing whether the minimum wage is paid in various kinds of jobs. It concludes by assessing the various types of enforcement mechanisms, including HMRC inspectors, penalties and civil claims, and assesses the effectiveness of the law.

The legacy Detroit manufacturers were between a rock and a hard place. Having just emerged from near-death experiences during the 2008–09 financial crisis, they now had to face the onslaught not only of EV technology that they had long resisted but also of a company that refused to play by the settled rules on how cars are sold and serviced. Led by General Motors (GM), the legacies decided that their best tactic was to stand with their dealers and argue that Tesla should be denied direct sales, which would not only prevent Tesla from getting ahead but could keep Tesla far behind. This “raising rivals’ costs” strategy ultimately backfired, as Tesla got the right to sell direct in most states, and the legacies missed the chance to get their own right to compete with Tesla on a level playing field.

In the preceding chapters, I examined four liabilities in the standard reading of Kant. As commentators continue to green the philosophical canon with figures as diverse as Confucius, Plato, Leibniz, Spinoza, Goethe, Heidegger, Nietzsche, Marx, Arendt, and Habermas, so also has it become apparent that a greener Kant is now possible. A greener Kant is also valuable, especially for rethinking the challenges of climate change. In Chapters 1 and 2, I showed why these liabilities and their attribution to Kant make sense: When Kant’s philosophy is limited to very specific texts from a single period in Kant’s intellectual career – the Groundwork, Critique of Pure Reason, and Critique of Practical Reason – red flags abound. And while I argued that strict Kant commentators such as Guyer, O’Neill, and Varden do a formidable job defending Kant in his letter, they fail in bringing his philosophy up to speed with issues regarding the climate crisis. Interpreters of Kant in spirit also do an admirable job.

Chapter 1 examines the fragility and unenviability of Black independence. It shows how Black Marxists and anticolonial figures navigated and negotiated Soviet and communist linkages from the 1940s to the 1960s against attempts by white Western imperial and colonial powers to weaponize the term “communism” to suffocate anticolonial movements and suspend Black independence. Once independent, the chapter shows that the Ghanaian government’s wariness of hastily establishing relations with the Soviet government arose not only from Western pressure but from genuine fears of swapping one set of white colonizers for another. The chapter then questions the totalizing analytical purchase of using the Cold War paradigm to understand the relationship between Black African nations and white empires – whether capitalist or communist – during the 20th century. It posits that a framework highly attentive to race and racism in international relations and diplomatic history must also be employed to understand the diplomatic actions of African states during this period. By so doing, Chapter 1 follows other pioneering works to argue that Ghanaians and the early African states had agency and dictated the paces and contours of their relationship with the USSR and other white imperial states.

Nigeria’s diverse history and ethnic diversity have shaped the country’s current understanding of bias and fairness, including issues relating to employment. This chapter focuses on employment testing bias and fairness in Nigeria. When making employment decisions, it is a common occurrence, albeit not a legally permissible one, to have factors such as age, sex, political beliefs, religion, ethnicity, and disability taken into account. Nigeria’s discrimination laws cover all employers, third parties, and licensure. However, Nigerian discrimination adjudication has a narrow purview. For instance, there are no clear standards for validity evidence, no rules for demonstrating disparate impact, no shifting of the burden of proof, and no recognition of disproportionate impact. The limited use of professionally designed selection processes also means that bias-related concerns receive little attention. Information about the impact of the legal environment on industrial and organizational psychology is similarly lacking. Nonetheless, there are initiatives aimed at professionalizing psychology in the nation, which should increase the reliability and validity of selection procedures.