To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
The final chapter looks at the experience of family members, mainly women, who depended on a survivor’s pension after the death of the main breadwinner. It is divided into two sections, the first presents the history of the montepio, its origins in Spain and its importance in the colonial period, as well as its transformation after independence. It charts the requirements to acquire a pension and how these were adapted from those in colonial times, while maintaining much of its original integrity as a ‘paternal’ obligation to look after women and children. The second part of the chapter analyses a series of cases to look at how Juntas tended to follow regulation but had scope to make exceptions. It also shows how with time the system became stricter and Juntas spent more time ensuring the merits of the petitions and policing whether the recipients continued to be entitled to payment. It finishes by returning to Francisca Caballero and how she was stripped of her pension because of the process that sought to reduce payments.
The second chapter provides a panorama of what it meant to be a citizen soldier from the Tupac Amaru rebellion onwards and pays close attention to the events that led to the wars of independence and how these influenced what it meant to be part of the armed forces. The chapter is divided into four sections that explore different aspects of soldiering. The first one looks at recruitment. The second at the promotion and reward members received and how this changed through time. The third focuses on the militias and National Guards as well as on the complex and intertwined relationship between these and the regular army. The final section pays attention to uniforms and the crucial role they played in placing people in a hierarchical society. The narrative oscillates between the main political events from the wars of independence to the conflicts of the 1830s, while drawing deeply on the changing legislation and regulation pertaining to the armed forces, as well as providing examples of individuals whose experiences illustrate the points argued
Colonial militias shaped the republican armed forces, so the first section analyzes the Iberian origins of militias and during the conquest, their reform in the eighteenth century and during independence. Focusing on the development of notions of citizenship during the Age of Revolution and exploring the importance of the fueros and uniforms as incentives for participation. Colonial authorities grew wary on American subjects participating to wear fancy clothes and having their own corporate court. I also study how colonial administrations dealth with militias and the impact of militarization during Tupac Amaru’s rebellion and the first military campaigns after Napoleon’s invasion of the Iberian Peninsula. In a second section, I study the British, North American and French armed forces to compare them with the ones of the Spanish. I do this firstly because these armed forces were the most formidable at the time and there were important similarities and differences between them. And secondly, because it was precisely in these places where the ancient ideas of soldiers as citizens and citizens as soldiers was revived during the revolutionary era.
The conclusions aim to bring together all these strands and show how the armed forces in nineteenth century Peru were integral to the development of an incipient State, with a bureaucratic structure that can be clearly witnessed through the lived experience of its members. It is a social history of an institution that developed despite intense instability to provide a safety net for its members. This institution developed through trial and error, building from the colonial legislation ensuring pensions were handed out to the infirm, to those who had served for many years as well as to some surviving family members. With time this relationship between the army, its members, former members and their families became the glue that bound society to the armed forces, which in contrast to what had been often asserted in the past was much more than a collection of armed men mobilized by local leaders known as caudillos.
The third chapter is concerned with provisions for ill and incapacitated soldiers, what they could expect for what they characterized in their petitions as “blood spilled in battle”. It is divided into four sections that follow a historical background on the main events of the first years of the Republic. The first shows how the State looked after the infirm and how in the 1830s Juntas were set up the to examine the merits of the petitions. A second section investigates the procedures for retirement and the role played by the medical personnel who prepared the documents needed to support petitions. It offers examples of how the process became more institutionalized through the 1830s and 1840s. The third section is interested in the men who were severely wounded and how the State coped with their petitions. Some of these payments extended for longer and with time, more procedures were implemented to ensure those being paid were still deserving. The final section is concerned with the variations in the rewards provided to injured and infirm men. Despite there being clear regulations not all cases were treated in the same way.
This chapter concentrates on changing provision for retirement over time. In the first years of the republic when funds were scarce and civil wars constant, reform was repeatedly thwarted by recurring conflict both internal and external. Lack of funds further aggravated the State’s inability to provide. Acute instability, commonly known as ‘the anarchy’ followed, making attempts to reform the retirement system futile. In the mid 1840s the Peruvian State was able to provide pensions thanks to the advent of money linked to the sale of the bird-dung fertilizer called guano. President Ramón Castilla was able to pass new legislation and pay more. And it was at this point that institutionalization started to really gather pace. During the fourth period the State continued to provide generous pensions, but this was not enough to ensure stability and at mid-century civil war returned, impacting retirement policies. Finally, the fifth period is concerned with the policies implemented after mid-century when the military court, the fuero was dismantled. State capacity grew and more attention was given to following regulation and ensuring entitlements had been legally acquired.
The introduction presents the main arguments that will be developed in the book and how letters and petitions that were found in the military archive are the basis from which to argue that the military was an institution in the first half of the nineteenth century. The nearly one thousand case studies provide the information that makes it possible to understand the Peruvian armed forces. This chapter also covers the historiographical debate by discussing the notion of caudillos and how although most of the new republics have been seen as controlled by armed men on horseback, the military can be described as an insitution that while having a colonial origin, transformed throughout the wars of independence. The way in which those who became members of the armed forces is analyzed in detail showing that a social system of protection for those who were part of it developed from the colonial systems Comparisons are made with the cases of the United States, France, Spain and the rest of Latin America. This section ends with a description of the book’s structure and a description of each chapter.
This unique transnational history explores the extraordinary lives of left-wing volunteers who fought in not just one, but multiple conflicts across the globe during the mid-twentieth century. Utilising previously unpublished archival material, Heiberg, Acciai and Bjerström follow these individual soldiers through military conflicts that were, in most cases, geographically centred on individual countries but nonetheless evinced a crucial transnational dimension. From the Spanish Civil war of 1936 to the Nicaraguan Revolution of 1979, the authors marshall these diverse case studies to create a conceptual framework through which to better understand the networks and recruitment patterns of transnational volunteering. They argue that the Spanish Civil War created a model for this transnational left-wing military volunteering and that this experience shaped the global left responses to a range of conflicts throughout the twentieth century.
In this book, Natalia Sobrevilla Perea reconstructs the history of the armed forces in nineteenth-century Peru and reveals what it meant to be a member. By centering the experiences of individuals, it demonstrates how the armed forces were an institution that created social provision, including social care for surviving family members, pensions for the elderly, and assistance for the infirm. Colonial militias transitioned into professional armies during the wars of independence to become the institution underpinning and sustaining the organization of the republic. To understand the emergence and weaknesses of nineteenth-century Peru, it is imperative to interrogate how men of the sword dominated post-independence politics.
The upbringing and professional career of Wu Jian (1462–1506) and his uncle, Wu Cong, shed light on two key issues. First is the gradual transformation of merit nobles within the Ming polity, particularly their role in dynastic defenses. Second is the dynasty’s continued efforts to secure military ability through instituting new practices, including the education and training of young merit nobles and entrusting capable civil officials with substantial military responsibilities. Before turning to Wu Jian’s career, however, we first consider the experiences of his mother and other women, whose abilities both in managing large, complex households and negotiating with the dynastic state, were essential to the fortunes of all merit noble families.
To say that the 1960s were a time of upheaval for Americans is, by now, a cliché. Yet for American Catholics in particular, the disruption was twofold. In addition to all of the profound social and political changes that one associates with “the Sixties,” Catholics found themselves faced with a Church that was undergoing a transformation. The Second Vatican Council, which one church historian has described as the “most significant religious event” in five centuries, begat striking alterations in the ancient Church. It was, according to another, “the defining event of the Catholic Sixties.” In the same year that the Council concluded – 1965 – President Lyndon Johnson decided to commit 200,000 troops to fight the war in Vietnam.
Recounting the experiences of Wu Ruyin and his son, Wu Weiying, who between them held the title of Marquis of Gongshun in succession from 1599 to 1643, this chapter and the preceding one address two overarching issues. First, they explore how institutions and administrators persevere amidst crisis. It may be tempting to caricature late Ming bureaucrats as obdurately clinging to the past, but men like Wu Ruyin and Wu Weiying adapted to new demands by incorporating new technologies and new ways within established frameworks. Few felt the need to abandon the “institutions of the imperial forefathers.” Second, these chapters examine the place of merit nobles in late Ming society. Wu Ruyin and Wu Weiying were not men of the people, but by function of their social circles, they actively engaged in the capital’s broader cultural activities, and by virtue of their jobs as senior military administrators, they commanded surprisingly detailed information about common soldiers and officers, war captives and refugees, and even rumors circulating through Beijing. This chapter first examines Wu Ruyin’s role as the emperor’s representative in ceremony, which included officiating at rituals, offering prayers, and hosting banquets, and second, considers his experiences as a military administrator in a time of acute challenges.