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Waging Peace dispels lingering myths of the frequently disregarded Vietnam antiwar movement as dominated by a subversive collection of political radicals and countercultural rebels. This comprehensive history defines a broad movement built around a core of liberal and mainstream activists who challenged what they saw as a misguided and immoral national policy. Facing ongoing resistance from the government and its prowar supporters, demonstrators upheld First Amendment rights and effectively countered official rationales for the war. These dissenting patriots frequently appealed to traditional American principles and overwhelmingly used the tools of democracy within conventional boundaries to align the nation's practice with its most righteous vision. This work covers not only the activists and organizations whose coalitions sponsored mass demonstrations and their often-symbiotic allies within the government, but also encompasses international, military, and cultural dissent. Achieving positive if limited impact, the movement was ultimately neither victorious nor defeated.
The Nazi-Soviet War was the largest and most brutal theatre of the Second World War, fought between two of the most ruthless states ever to exist. Bringing together twenty-four of the most accomplished authors in both German and Soviet history, this Cambridge Companion provides the most authoritative, and yet highly accessible, guide to the conflict. Each chapter examines a key aspect of the war from war planning, the opposing forces and the campaigns to criminality and occupation, alliances, the home fronts and postwar legacies and myth-making. The authors demonstrate that the Nazi-Soviet war was both a conventional clash of arms in which millions of soldiers fought in titanic battles, but also a non-conventional war in which soldiers and security forces murdered countless non-combatants. It was a war of resources, industry, mobilisation, administration, and popular support, with implications that still drive European security debates today.
The First World War resulted in major economic and agricultural strains to neutral and belligerent countries alike, including shifts in trading patterns, blockades, and extensive physical destruction on a unique scale. The resulting hunger crises transformed relationships between the state, citizens, and civil society and had a profound and lasting impact on the twentieth century. As civilians across Europe and the Middle East struggled to survive, new emphasis was placed on the state's responsibility to provide food for its citizens, leading to emerging concerns about 'nutritional sovereignty', the viability of new states, and a huge expansion of international humanitarianism. This innovative history utilises both contemporary and modern maps to analyse food shortages and responses to them across Europe and the Ottoman Empire from 1914 to 1923. Through a comparative approach, the authors demonstrate the consequences of civilian hunger in its military, international, political, social, economic, and cultural dimensions.
This is a study of the 35,000 antifascists who joined the International Brigades in order to defend the Second Spanish Republic and of their encounters with civil-war Spain. Dr Adrian Pole offers the first in-depth history of the rich array of cross-cultural encounters which emerged between the multinational soldiers of all five International Brigades and the people, places, politics and culture of the country which accommodated them for almost three years of civil war. He sets out to recover the place of these encounters within the making, imagining and running of a transnational fighting force, showing how they influenced the volunteers' experiences and emotions, underlined their ideas and identities, informed their motivations and actions, and ultimately underpinned their ability to imagine, wage and justify the war. In doing so, he demonstrates how they enabled thousands of transnational actors to define a deeply contentious conflict in their own very particular terms.
The first book of its kind, Less than Victory explores both the impact the Vietnam War had on American Catholics, and the impact of the nation's largest religious group upon its most controversial war. Through the 1960s, Roman Catholics made up one-quarter of the population, and were deeply involved in all aspects of war. In this book, Steven J. Brady argues that American Catholics introduced the moral, as opposed to the prudential, argument about the war earlier and more comprehensively than other groups. The Catholic debate on morality was three cornered: some saw the war as inherently immoral, others as morally obligatory, while others focused on the morality of the means – napalm, torture, and free-fire zones – that the US and the Army of the Republic of Vietnam were employing. These debates presaged greater Catholic involvement in war and peace issues, provoking a shift away from traditional ideas of a just war across American Catholic thinking and dialogue.
Chapter 1 offers a historical introduction as well as an overview of existing research in the field. It argues that by mapping out the trajectories of former volunteer soldiers, it is possible to see the many ways in which the Spanish Civil War and the broader anti-fascist engagement of the inter-war period could constitute a transformative experience and event; an event that expanded volunteers’ political horizons and gradually opened up possibilities for border-crossing political engagement in the post-war era. Thus, it sets the stage for the case studies constituting the main part of the book, showing that the political and military influence of the volunteers in Spain did not necessarily come to an end in 1938/1939 or even in 1945. In a few yet significant cases, it stretched across the globe far into the Cold War period.
Chapter 2 examines the history of Leo Kari and other Scandinavian volunteers in the International Brigades. It takes issue with the long-standing depiction of the voluntary army in Spain as ’Comintern mercenaries’ or as essentially the sole invention of international communism. In addition, the chapter follows the trajectories of different members of the resistance movements in Denmark and Norway and examines why historians have typically overlooked the fact that the core of World War II sabotage groups were nearly all former volunteers of the civil war who used their military expertise from Spain to position themselves as leaders of the resistance. Most former war volunteers were completely marginalised in the Cold War climate emerging after 1947–1948, yet some of them still insisted on a third military adventure. The anti-colonial struggles were seen as a new opening, as is evident from Leo Kari’s renewed efforts to mobilise a voluntary army for the Algerian war of liberation in the early 1960s.
Chapter 3 highlights the centrality of Spain in the development of a particular kind of ‘professional revolutionary’ deployed by the Comintern in the late 1930s and 1940s. It focuses on the life of the Italian communist Ilio Barontini and follows his long militancy within the anti-fascist front. Barontini, unlike most Europeans of his generation, had been confronted with violent fascism since the early 1920s. Nevertheless, the Spanish Civil War marks a watershed in his life, as it was in Spain that he refined his skills as a fighter. But Spain influenced Barontini’s trajectory in a political sense, too, as it was during the period of intense fighting at Guadalajara in early 1937 that fellow volunteers in the Italian brigade began to discuss the need to bring the anti-fascist fight to the colonial front as well. In the following years, Barontini went both to fight and to train new recruits in Ethiopia, France, and Italy. In this way, the chapter offers a glimpse of one way in which anti-fascism and anti-imperialism connected in this period.
Chapter 7 elaborates on the extensive empirical corpus analysed in the preceding chapters. It reinforces the comparative points and clarifies the general patterns emerging in the book. It also expands our reflections on the meanings of modern transnational war volunteering, especially as seen through the conceptual lens of internationalism. The chapter presents conclusions regarding the ideological and organisational dynamics of transnational war volunteering as a left-wing political practice in the twentieth century. These findings open up new perspectives on mobilisation patterns pertaining to transnational volunteering, potentially moving the discussion away from top-down directives or impersonal indoctrination tools to a greater appreciation of the significance of contingency and horizontal influences shaping volunteer behaviour. Elaborating on these findings, the concluding chapter thus offers new conceptual registers to comprehend the phenomenon of left-wing war volunteering in the twentieth century.
Chapter 5 follows a small but diverse group of Cuban Spanish Civil War volunteers, paying particular attention to Rolando Masferrer and Eufemio Fernández. The post-Spain trajectories of these volunteers illustrate the volatile nature of politics in Cuba and the Circum-Caribbean in the 1940s and 1950s, where coalitions were consistently made and unmade in transnational efforts to topple regional dictators. Later, several Spanish Civil War volunteers came to occupy influential roles as strategists and instructors within the military structures that the Castro regime developed to support revolutionary movements in the Americas after 1959. Thus, Cuban politics offered an unusually large and varied number of opportunities for Spanish Civil War veterans to remobilise after their service in Spain and to continue to engage with armed revolutionary projects of a transnational or internationalist nature.
Chapter 6 offers an analysis of the Nicaraguan Revolution with a particular focus on Araceli Pérez Darias, a Mexican citizen of Spanish descent fighting with the Sandinistas on the Western Front in Nicaragua during the late 1970s. She was ambushed, raped and killed in 1979. Using Araceli’s life story as a prism, this chapter offers a unique survey of women’s contribution to transnational warfare in the twentieth century, arguing that their challenges were multiple. Unlike their male comrades in arms, they were generally not allowed to fight at the front. Further, they were often subjected to abuses, and their armed resistance – originally motivated by their opposition to the enemy – eventually became intertwined with their struggle to be accepted as equals by the movement they represented at the front. In addition, the chapter provides the first comprehensive overview of the foreign brigades fighting for the Sandinistas, explaining why some have survived in the collective memory of the revolution while the most decisive of them all, consisting of Panamanian volunteers, were cast into oblivion.
Chapter 4 follows the trajectory of Ernst Frey and other European anti-fascists, who enlisted in the Vietnamese Army after defecting from the French Foreign Legion. It focuses on the complicated relationship between the soldiers who survived the anti-fascist struggles in Europe and the new generation of soldiers of the anti-colonial wars in the Global South. After 1945, many Spanish Civil War veterans followed events in Algeria and Indochina with great interest and sided with those fighting for national self-determination. Notwithstanding the visibility of both causes, notable armed support materialised only in Indochina, where foreign volunteers were initially well-received and saw their military influence grow much beyond what their modest careers in the French Foreign Legion might indicate. With time, however, they were also seen as a challenge to the nationalistic Vietnamese leadership, who, thanks largely to Chinese support from the early 1950s onwards, were radically altering their military structure, leaving little or no space for French Foreign Legion defectors.