To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
This chapter covers the two decades from the first minuted meeting of the Commissioners of Longitude in 1737. During this time, small groups of Commissioners were called together sporadically for ad hoc meetings, principally to agree funding for specific projectors, notably clockmaker John Harrison and longitude veteran William Whiston. Over this initial period, relations with Harrison were cordial and supportive. Despite these promising developments, it was a period in which public opinion gradually reverted to mockery of those seeking the seemingly impossible longitude dream. The chapter seeks to emphasise in addition the value of looking at some of the schemes that more recent authors have dismissed as invalid. This has occurred not only when proposals seem unlikely to modern eyes but also when their authors were partly or wholly motivated by factors such as religion or financial need, and overlooks the reception of those proposals. The books published by Jane Squire are a particular focus, since they contain some of the best records of the Commissioners’ activities and thoughts during the earlier decades.
This chapter examines the Board of Longitude’s relationships with watchmakers in the five decades after their dealings with John Harrison. In this period in which the chronometer – a term brought into more common use in the period – began to develop into a stable technology, the Board still fielded proposals for schemes about mechanical timekeeping and actively engaged with a small number of makers. Acting within the remit of a new Longitude Act in 1774 that significantly changed the terms for testing and reward, the Board increasingly relied on land trials at the Royal Observatory, Greenwich, alongside a small number of long-distance voyages, which provided an additional arena for testing the nascent technology. During this period, the Board became embroiled in two debates that further shaped its horological dealings and saw its authority contested in Parliament. The first, over the work of Thomas Mudge, saw the Board’s authority undermined. The second, centring on a long and bitter dispute between watchmakers Thomas Earnshaw and John Arnold (and son), finally saw the Board’s authority recognised.
This chapter surveys the workings of the British Board of Longitude in the period from the mid-1770s, which saw expenditure and bureaucracy increase. The Longitude Act of 1774 cut rewards and tightened the criteria for success. Managed through a permanent secretary, the Board more resembled an office of state, while personal and patronage relations still played vital roles in its conduct. Both Astronomer Royal Nevil Maskelyne and Joseph Banks exploited the Board to further their own interests in policy and organisation in projects including management of the Nautical Almanac and its computers, supply of instruments to survey voyages, and trials of new kinds of optical glass. The chapter explains how Maskelyne used the Board to extend networks centred on the Royal Observatory, Greenwich, while Banks used his position as a Commissioner of Longitude to mend relations with the Admiralty and extend patronage. Although there were major tensions and conflicts with Maskelyne, Banks was able effectively to make the Board of Longitude an integral component of his system of public administration over the sciences.
This chapter explores the long- and short-term roots of the British Longitude Act 1714, highlighting the degree of continuity with earlier precedents. It first explores the nature and impact of developments in navigational techniques and instruments, astronomy, timekeeping, the finding of longitude on land and the judging and funding of longitude proposals in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Europe. It then delves into the chain of events and written and verbal discussions which gave rise to the new British rewards in 1713–1714. These saw the self-interested lobbying of two projectors gain momentum through a confluence of national and political interests, before becoming enshrined in law as rewards open to all comers.
In this chapter we examine how people with Hoarding disorder can help themselves. This is not a “quick fix” and does take time, commitment, and courage to face up to your problems. We will start by looking at how a ban on new items coming into the property is the first “golden rule” of treatment. We will examine how it can be useful but not essential to have a friend or family member also involved in the process. The principles of discarding objects are discussed with the idea of holding on to objects for the shortest time possible, making an immediate decision and then sticking with it and not going back on that decision. Finally, we will then list helpful resources and groups who may be able to assist you.
A burgeoning literature in experimental studies of the Voluntary Contribution Mechanism focuses on the ability of institutions that allow the monitoring, sanctioning, and/or rewarding of others to facilitate cooperation. In this paper rewards and sanctions are examined in a one-shot VCM setting that so far has been unexplored in the literature. The study finds that while some subjects are willing to reward and sanction others at a personal cost, the opportunity to reward or sanction is ineffective in facilitating cooperation relative to previous experiments in which a repeated game environment is employed. The study also compares behavior in an environment in which the imposition of rewards and sanctions is certain to an environment in which imposition is uncertain. The expected value of the reward or sanction is kept constant across environments to focus simply on the effect of uncertainty about imposition. Uncertainty does not change behavior in a significant way, either in the level of cooperation or the willingness of individuals to impose rewards or sanctions.
We study the effectiveness of costly rewards in mitigating excess extraction in a standard Common Pool Resource (CPR) game experiment. We implement two treatments. In the first, rewards are a pure transfer from one player to the other. In the second, the benefits of receiving a reward are higher than the cost of providing it. Referring to the latter as “net positive” rewards, we observe that these are used more frequently than transfer rewards, and that, unlike transfer rewards, they are effective in sustaining cooperation in the CPR game.
We study the effects on performance of incentives framed as gains or losses, as well as the effort channels through which individuals increase performance. We also explore potential spill-over effects on a non-incentivised activity. Subjects participated in a medically framed real-effort task under one of the three contracts, varying the type of performance incentive received: (1) no incentive; (2) incentive framed as a gain; or (3) incentive framed as a loss. We find that performance improved similarly with incentives framed as losses or gains. However, individuals increase performance differently under the two frames: potential losses increase participants’ performance through a greater attention (fewer mistakes), while bonuses increase the time spent on the rewarded activity. There is no spill-over effect, either negative or positive, on the non-incentivised activity. We discuss the meaning and implications of our results for the design of performance contracts.
Finally, Chapter 6 reveals and analyzes the extensive rewards that ladies-in-waiting earned for fulfilling their normal duties as well as for loyally serving their mistresses during periods of national importance and political tension. Elite female servants benefitted from their positions at court, both in terms of material rewards and their ability to ease themselves into political situations. All female attendants earned some form of in-kind benefit, with room and board included for their service and formal clothing allowances distributed. Some servants garnered significant financial remuneration, through land grants assigned in perpetuity, expensive jeweled gifts, or extravagant annuity stipends. Others earned more modest wages, annuities, or gifts of secondhand clothing. When ladies and damsels scored patronage that offered nonmonetary privileges, they ranged from minor legal exemptions to significant pardoning of major crimes. Gift-giving redistributed wealth from monarch or aristocratic employer through lesser-status ranks in the household, but at the same time the theatricality of gift-giving and the allocation of sumptuous clothing linked to the royal or noble household enhanced the prestige of the bestower as they demonstrated their numerous, loyal servants and the affluence that allowed them to grant such gifts.
In two letters, Pliny and Trajan discuss a petition sent to the governor by the guild of athletes concerning their rewards after winning contests (Plin. Ep. 10.118–19). In his request, Pliny refers to a regulation by which Trajan had settled the rights of the victorious athletes in regard to their home cities. In his response, Trajan repeats the case with slight variations. The two letters pose both philological and historical difficulties, which this article aims to solve. The relevant passage in Trajan's letter is corrupt. As scholarship has misunderstood the historical background of the letters, no satisfying solution for the restoration of the text has been found to date. The argumentation of this article is twofold. First, it offers a new reading of the corrupt passage in the emperor's letter which respects both the textual transmission and the historical situation. Second, it is argued that the two letters refer to a Trajanic law which settled the regulations of iselastic contests for the first time, but left some details undecided. In sum, this article proposes a new reading of a damaged passage in Plin. Ep. 10.119 as well as offering a historical commentary on agonistic activities in imperial Asia Minor.
Charles S. Mansueto, Behavior Therapy Center of Greater Washington, Maryland,Suzanne Mouton-Odum, Psychology Houston, PC - The Center for Cognitive Behavioral Treatment, Texas,Ruth Goldfinger Golomb, Behavior Therapy Center of Greater Washington, Maryland
In this chapter, the authors shift attention to younger BFRB clients and to modifications to ComB treatment when children, family members, and other caretakers are involved in therapy. Managing these additional people presents added complexity for the therapist to manage. Ideas for helping create a supportive, therapeutic social context for younger clients are presented throughout. Commonly occurring misconceptions, anxieties and problematic relationship issues are described, explored, and addressed throughout, with an emphasis placed on coaching caregivers into positive and supportive roles in the therapeutic endeavor. Also addressed is the importance of setting realistic expectations for therapy and coaching caregivers to deal with the inevitable motivational issues that will have to be addressed for effective treatment of younger clients. Different recommendations, reflecting the varying needs of clients of different ages – infants, younger and older children, and adolescents, are provided – as are approaches for dealing with children with sensory dysregulation issues.
The Welfare of Farmed Animals (England) Regulations (2007) make it an offence to allow unnecessary suffering to animals, highlighting that farmers have a duty of care for their livestock. Despite this, the current global mean prevalence of lameness in sheep in England is 5%; ie ~750,000 lame adult sheep at any time. To investigate farmers’ attitudes to sanctions and rewards as drivers to reduce the prevalence of lameness in sheep, farmers’ attitudes to external inspections, acceptable prevalence of lameness and attitudes on outcomes from inspections were investigated using a self-administered questionnaire. A total of 43/102 convenience-selected English sheep farmers responded to the questionnaire. Their median flock size was 500 ewes with a geometric mean prevalence of lameness of 2.8%. Few farmers selected correct descriptions of the legislation for treatment and transport of lame sheep. Participants considered 5-7.5% prevalence of lameness acceptable and were least tolerant of farmers who rarely treated lameness and most tolerant of farmers experiencing an incident out of their control, eg disease outbreak. Participants consider sanctions and rewards would help to control lameness on sheep farms in England. Sanctions (prosecution, reduction in payment from the single [basic] payment scheme or suspension from a farm assurance scheme) were considered ‘fair’ when lameness was ≥ 10% and rewards ‘fair’ when lameness was ≤ 2%. If these farmers’ attitudes are applied to 1,300 randomly selected flocks with a mean prevalence of lameness of 3.5%, 24.6% of flocks that had ≥ 10% lameness would be sanctioned and 32.5% of flocks that had ≤ 2% lameness would be rewarded.
Using a stochastic dominance approach in an international dataset of about 10,000 Catholic subjects, we show that incentives (based on absolute belief) play a crucial role in religious practice (church attendance and prayer). Furthermore, we find that when both positive (heaven) and negative (hell) incentives are available, the former have a much stronger effect than the latter. The results are confirmed using Kolmogorov-Smirnov tests.
Creativity and innovation are important for organizational survival and growth, as globalization and technological advances increase the need to address rapid changes and uncertainty in the marketplace. As such, organizations and researchers have produced a significant amount of work on creativity and innovation to help address organizations’ need to develop creative ideas and solutions. These studies have yielded a variety of findings, sometimes contradictory, since organizational creativity is a multi-level issue; factors of creativity and innovation at one level may be different, not predictive, or even contradictory at another level. This chapter overviews these findings to summarize the factors in organizations that facilitate or hinder creativity and innovation at each manifested level: the individual, team, and organization. At the individual level, work on creativity and innovation focuses on the creative problem-solving process, personality of creative individuals, and motivational variables. At the team level, creativity and innovation focus on factors within leadership, team processes, and climate. Finally, creativity and innovation at the organizational level are overviewed regarding organizational strategy, goals and rewards, top management teams, and availability of resources.
Departing from a universal perspective on affective organizational commitment, the present article examines the situational and personal variables that act as potential moderators of the relationship between affective commitment and its antecedents and outcomes. Based on emerging evidence and theory, it is argued that the relationship between extrinsic and intrinsic rewards and other job experiences and affective commitment is stronger when employees exert an influence over rewards and job experiences. This can be achieved when the organization offers opportunities for such influence or when employees’ traits help them earn expected rewards. Similarly, theory and empirical evidence suggest that the relationship between affective commitment and work outcomes is subject to moderating influences. For example, affective commitment may foster employee retention when more career opportunities are available, making one’s belongingness to the organization more attractive. Such career opportunities may result from the organization’s action or from individuals’ own proactivity to obtain them. Likewise, the relationship between affective commitment and work performance is likely stronger when supervisors’ leadership helps employees engage in those behaviors that are rewarded by the organization. Finally, we discuss avenues for future inquiry by identifying group-level and cultural variables as promising moderators that warrant attention.
In a number of prominent legal programs, institutional design of the underlying processes allows speakers to shift the costs of processing their message to ill-equipped audiences. Such a design is unstable and leads to incomprehensible communications and failed legal goals. This final chapter discusses the social consequences of these institutional design problems and offers general recommendations for reform.
In a number of prominent legal programs, institutional design of the underlying processes allows speakers to shift the costs of processing their message to ill-equipped audiences. Such a design is unstable and leads to incomprehensible communications and failed legal goals. This final chapter discusses the social consequences of these institutional design problems and offers general recommendations for reform.
Adolescents’ snack choices could be altered by increasing the reinforcing value (RV) of healthy snacks compared with unhealthy snacks. This study assessed whether the RV of fruit increased by linking it to a reward and if this increased RV was comparable with the RV of unhealthy snacks alone. Moderation effects of sex, hunger, BMI z-scores and sensitivity to reward were also explored. The RV of snacks was assessed in a sample of 165 adolescents (15·1 (sd 1·5) years, 39·4 % boys and 17·4 % overweight) using a computerised food reinforcement task. Adolescents obtained points for snacks through mouse clicks (responses) following progressive ratio schedules of increasing response requirements. Participants were (computer) randomised to three experimental groups (1:1:1): fruit (n 53), fruit+reward (n 60) or unhealthy snacks (n 69). The RV was evaluated as total number of responses and breakpoint (schedule of terminating food reinforcement task). Multilevel regression analyses (total number of responses) and Cox’s proportional hazard regression models (breakpoint) were used. The total number of responses made were not different between fruit+reward and fruit (b −473; 95 % CI −1152, 205, P=0·17) or unhealthy snacks (b410; 95 % CI −222, 1043, P=0·20). The breakpoint was slightly higher for fruit than fruit+reward (HR 1·34; 95 % CI 1·00, 1·79, P=0·050), whereas no difference between unhealthy snacks and fruit+reward (HR 0·86; 95 % CI 0·62, 1·18, P=0·34) was observed. No indication of moderation was found. Offering rewards slightly increases the RV of fruit and may be a promising strategy to increase healthy food choices. Future studies should however, explore if other rewards, could reach larger effect sizes.
This article examines the impact on the patent system of rewards for innovation across the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. During this period, Parliament would regularly grant rewards to inventors, with many of these rewards being set out in legislation. This legislation provided Parliament with the opportunity to promote a model of state support for inventors: a model that made public disclosure of the invention a precondition for assistance. This had important implications for patent law, in particular, in helping to develop the role of the patent specification and the doctrine of sufficiency of disclosure. In this way, the reward system helped establish the framework under which the state would provide support for inventors. Simultaneously, however, the reward system created a space in which inventors would have to do more than meet the minimum requirement of public disclosure. Rewards allowed the state to distinguish between different classes of inventor and to make special provision for particularly worthy individuals. In this way, the reward system recognised the contribution of the “heroic inventor”, whilst leaving the core of the patent system undisturbed.
Of the few studies that have paid attention to feelings of reward in family palliative caregiving, most are retrospective and examine the experiences of bereaved family caregivers. Although feeling rewarded has been described as an influence that may facilitate the way family caregivers handle the caregiving situation, no study has sought to identify the factors associated with feelings of reward while providing ongoing family palliative care. The aim of this study, therefore, was to identify influential factors in feelings of reward experienced by family palliative caregivers.
Method:
Our study had a correlational cross-sectional design. Family caregivers (n = 125) of patients receiving specialized palliative care were consecutively recruited from four settings. These caregivers answered a questionnaire that included the Rewards of Caregiving Scale (RCS). This questionnaire included questions about demographic background and scales to measure preparedness for caregiving, feelings of hope, perceived health, and symptoms of anxiety and depression. Correlation and regression analyses were conducted to identify factors associated with rewards.
Results:
The results demonstrated that the more prepared caregivers with higher levels of hope felt more rewarded, while caregivers with higher levels of anxiety and those in a spousal relationship with the patient felt less rewarded by caregiving.
Significance of results:
It seems reasonable that feeling rewarded can be a significant contributor to the overall experience of providing ongoing palliative care. The situation of family caregivers has been shown to be multifaceted and complex, and such covariant factors as preparedness, anxiety, hope, and being in a spousal relationship with the patient to influence this experience.