Between the 1770s and the 1840s, British abolitionism moved from anti-capitalist utilitarianism to free trade. In this process, the identification of the “real slave” was crucial: Not only slave owners, but also some trade unions and workers’ associations considered the wage earner to be the real slave. This process also responded to the development of French abolitionism, which was mostly top-down and less concerned with ethics than with economic and social considerations. The profitability of slavery and the survival of the poor on the continent were constantly intertwined and helped to explain Napoleon’s restoration of slavery and the uncertainties of the 1848 revolution regarding the fate of former slaves.

As climate disasters escalate, the Global South faces a staggering $387 billion annual shortfall in adaptation finance. Despite urgent needs, adaptation remains severely underfunded, sidelined by investors who favour mitigation projects with clearer returns. This chapter explores how philanthropic capital can be the missing piece, unlocking adaptation finance through risk-tolerant investments, blended finance, and ecosystem-wide collaboration.

It examines India as a case study, showcasing how philanthropic organizations can de-risk adaptation projects, support climate resilience, and influence policy reforms. Drawing on global data and case studies, the chapter argues that philanthropy can catalyse systemic change by bridging financing gaps, scaling high-impact solutions, and fostering collaboration between governments, businesses, and civil society, ultimately driving an adaptation revolution.

In an age where change accelerates at an exponential pace, the world is grappling with a unique and volatile set of challenges. Mohamed El-Erian, the foreword author of our first publication (Reimagining Philanthropy in the Global South: From Analysis to Action in a Post-COVID World), uses the term “permacrisis” to describe the compounding issues of climate change, geopolitical instability, and technological disruption that now dominate the global landscape. These crises have revealed the fragility of systems once deemed resilient, highlighting the urgent need for transformative financing approaches to support sustainable development and achieve lasting systemic change in an ever-evolving world. This book explores the promise of catalytic capital and the emerging dynamics of development finance in this new global landscape.

The global financing gap for sustainable development is widening, demanding innovative solutions. This chapter explores how philanthropy can unlock private capital through blended finance and catalytic capital, ensuring critical priorities – from climate action to poverty reduction – receive the funding they require. As emerging markets face investment shortfalls, philanthropy’s risk-taking potential can de-risk projects, attract institutional investors, and drive systemic change.

Drawing on insights from the OECD and global experts, this chapter highlights the transformative power of public-private-philanthropic partnerships and how foundations can move beyond traditional grant making to deploy impact investments, guarantees, and innovative financial tools. By strategically aligning resources across sectors, philanthropy can bridge capital markets and the SDGs, catalyzing investments that balance financial returns with meaningful social and environmental impact and ultimately redefining its role as a driving force for global change.

The myth of self-made success triumphed in the new millennium, incentivizing claims that are impervious to reality. Prominent examples include George W. Bush, Donald Trump, and Kylie Jenner, who began their lives in great financial and social wealth, yet they all believe they were self-made. Bush and Trump endorsed policies that lowered taxes for elites but cut programs that served everyone else, arguing that taxes punish success and social support programs foster irresponsibility. The myth eased reducing constraints on financial exploits, making possible both great fortunes and economic crises, such as the Great Recession that began in 2007 and led to taxpayers’ bailouts of private institutions. The megahit reality TV show Shark Tank displayed the myth on steroids, starring “self-made” entrepreneurs. In contrast, the despair of struggling people accused of self-made failure and willful irresponsibility has been deadly. Such accusations can be profitable, as J.D. Vance’s career has shown. This myth-made culture ignores the communities and institutions that make wealth generation possible. It frees tycoons to acquire and donate large fortunes, garnering acclaim as philanthropists.

This chapter will critically assess the role and the impact of corporate philanthropy in the UN development sector, with a specific focus on the activities of the UN Development Program (UNDP) as one of the most active UN bodies when it comes to private sector collaborations. In doing so, this contribution will first provide an overview of the evolution of corporate philanthropy in the UN system. This will be followed by exploration of different forms of corporate funding at the UN, including direct contributions to the organization; indirect contributions through the establishment of a charitable foundation; and public–private partnerships. The chapter will conclude with an assessment of the mechanisms that were put in place by the UN as a whole and the UNDP in particular to mitigate the reputational risks associated with the business sector cooperation.

A wide range of new opportunities for playing in ‘public’ emerged after mid-century and awaited the venturesome amateur guitar-player who could sing, especially young and unmarried female player who might come from every social class above the labouring poor. Social clubs, political societies such as the Primrose League, and sports clubs for tennis, cycling, golf and cricket mounted regular (or at least annual) entertainments which provided amateur singers using guitars with something to play for in every sense of the expression. Their instrument seemed agreeably novel; so did their art of self-accompaniment as they faced the audience directly in a manner that few self-accompanying singers using a pianoforte could hope to do. In addition there were new contexts for amateur performance that have almost been in entirely overlooked by historians of nineteenth-century music, notably the ‘Penny Reading’ where a wide variety of vocal and instrumental music was performed, reaching down to the level of small villages in parish halls and school rooms, often to raise funds for some charitable or philanthropic purpose.

Asian University for Women (AUW) in Bangladesh offers a rigorous liberal arts education to promising young women from across Asia. Established with the support of donors and the national government, AUW has built relationships with many low-resourced and marginalized communities. Its educational offerings prepare students for academic success and cultivate their leadership potential. It faces challenges balancing its founding purpose with the long-term imperative financial stability.

The first ladies of the United States are often not thought about as activists. But in fact, many used their political position strategically to advocate for important reforms that benefited minorities and other underrepresented groups. Their activism from the White House helped social and political causes in different eras. Their unsung work contributed to their administration’s public profile and legacy. It also aided larger social justice campaigns going on throughout US history. This chapter explores the frequently unsung efforts of US first ladies in the realm of social advocacy to shed greater light on the significant work done by these women. It challenges the notion that first ladies were simply ornaments or companions for their husbands and highlights the actions that they took to create change.

This chapter argues that Gissing’s novels offer significant and philosophically sophisticated engagements with the novel of ideas. Gissing’s study of Schopenhauer’s works led him to take a keen interest in post-Kantian idealism and in fundamental questions regarding the irreconcilability of the ‘ideal’ and the ‘real’. These concerns are reflected in the novels Gissing wrote in the 1880s – these books satirize the idealist pretensions of social reformers, and they demonstrate that the philanthropic ideals of the Settlement Movement were bound to fail when confronted with the complex and harsh reality of London’s East End. Gissing’s novels are animated by a set of questions that bear directly on the history of the novel of ideas: are aspirational ideals necessarily external and alien to the literary work, or is it possible for them to be assimilated into the medium of literary form? Is it possible for these ideals to become artistically productive?

The protection of intellectual property (IP) is a question of life and death. COVID-19 vaccines, partially incentivized by IP, are estimated to have saved nearly 20 million lives worldwide during the first year of their availability in 2021. The vast majority of the benefit of this lifesaving technology, however, went to high- and upper-middle-income countries. Despite 10 billion vaccines having been produced by the end of 2021, only 4 percent of people in low-income countries were fully vaccinated. Paradoxically, IP may also be partly responsible for hundreds of thousands of lives lost in 2021, due to insufficient supply of vaccines and inequitable access during the critical first year of vaccine rollout, most notably in low-income countries that lacked the ability to buy or manufacture vaccines to save their populations. The contributors to this book diagnose a number of causes for the inequitable distribution of life-saving COVID-19 vaccines, from misguided reliance on intellectual property rights and voluntary mechanisms to share knowledge and vaccines, to the rise of vaccine nationalism and vaccine diplomacy, to unequal global intellectual property institutions that disenfranchise low-income countries and continue to reproduce colonial era dependency by poor countries on high income nations for life-saving technologies. Global experts herein suggest several reforms to prevent such inequity in the next pandemic, including delinking vaccine development from monopoly rights in technology, enhanced legal requirements to share publicly-funded technologies in pandemic times, and investment in technology transfer hubs and local vaccine manufacturing capacity in low and middle-income countries.

The All-Affected Principle (AAP) in democratic theory holds that everyone who is affected by a decision has a claim to participate in making that decision. Authors who invoke the principle usually restrict its scope and argue only for enfranchising affected interests within formal political decision-making procedures. In other words, the AAP would expand the demos (e.g. by including people affected by decisions taken in other countries), but need not expand the sites of formal politics to which democratic norms apply. Against these scope restrictions, we argue that the AAP applies to some extra-governmental actors and, in particular, to big philanthropists. We make this argument without endorsing an expansive reading of the AAP as applying to all kinds of decisions, public and private. Rather, we argue that the reasons we have for endorsing the AAP—for thinking that it is wrong for people to be denied influence over exercises of power that affect them—do not pick out formal political decision-making as a uniquely important site of inclusion. We also challenge, on anti-paternalist grounds, the assumption that it is primarily the risk of negative impacts that grounds claims to inclusion.

This chapter considers whether and how the All-Affected Principle (AAP) ought to be extended to large-scale, Western-based INGOs such as Oxfam and Care. These INGOs are frequently criticized for being undemocratic. Would more compliance with the AAP make them more democratic? I consider two possible ways of extending the APP to INGOs. The AAP’s “inclusive face” analogizes INGOs to governments and suggests that they should be more inclusive. It thus offers only a limited basis for critique. The AAP’s “exclusive face” points out that INGOs are unaffected, and tells us that they should therefore be excluded. The AAP’s exclusive face therefore offers a more radical basis for critiquing INGOs than its inclusive face. However, even the AAP’s exclusive face has serious limitations in the context of INGOs. This is because INGOs face the involvement/influence dilemma: they can be involved in addressing social problems or they can avoid undue influence, but it is difficult for them to do both simultaneously. I therefore turn to three organizations that directly and intentionally address this dilemma: SURJ, Thousand Currents, and the Solidaire Network. I show that these organizations reinterpret the AAP in ways that are relevant to, and generative for, other similarly-situated entities, such as INGOs.

A movement is gathering to overthrow the intellectual incumbents of economics. Started by students, advanced by academics, and funded by philanthropists, until recently it has remained largely unnoticed by governments. Now the world’s largest emerging economies are starting to take an interest. For the sake of avoiding dangerous climate change, the revolution cannot come too soon.