This paper traces how geological surveys and prospecting across two centuries shaped Afghanistan’s enduring characterization as a mineral-rich “El Dorado.” By investigating the shift in survey methods from comprehensive terrestrial to aerial reconnaissance, I show how geological knowledge production served purposes far beyond imperial resource identification and extraction. Drawing from historical and ethnographic research, including insights from a current emerald mine operator, I uncover how precious stones’ physical properties and circulating narratives about hidden riches propelled—and continue to propel—a vast network of individuals into mining enterprises: from state authorities and local powerbrokers to foreign geologists, mineral collectors, and international aid organizations. The result is the creation of new narratives about extractable wealth that interweave scientific practices and global market dynamics to transcend conventional periodization such as pre-Soviet, Soviet, and United States. These narratives have emerged from and reinforced asymmetrical relationships in both labor and expertise, ultimately positioning Afghan participants precariously within global mineral markets, made riskier still in times of conflict.

Mining companies are rhetorically committed to corporate social responsibility standards such as human rights, but what really affects their behaviour in the developing world? Communities impacted by mines have become increasingly resistant to them, bolstered and supported by international actors and norms as well as stronger domestic environmental and justice institutions. In this paper, I examine the behaviour of multinational mining companies (primarily Canadian) in two Latin American countries in the face of social resistance, finding that domestic institutional capacity and legal mobilization have an important effect on company decisions and actions. Both are necessary—the legal opportunity structure creates an institutional context in which legal mobilization is encouraged or discouraged. Litigators interacting with competent institutions have a far greater ability to hold firms to account. Thus, company practices adjust to the country’s institutional and legal context, and behaviour varies according to host country conditions.

Depuis le lancement en 2016 du mégaprojet d'exploitation minière à ciel ouvert de l’« Arc minier de l'Orénoque » au Venezuela, plusieurs groupes armés appelés sindicatos ont pris possession de certains territoires d'extraction. En faisant nôtre la définition wéberienne de l’État, nous formons l'hypothèse selon laquelle le groupement politique du sindicato présent sur l'un de ces territoires, celui de Las Claritas, peut être qualifié d’État embryonnaire. Poursuivant alors les interrogations de Bourdieu sur l’émergence de l’État, nous cherchons à documenter le processus d’étatisation et à témoigner de la façon dont les « bandits » deviennent des « princes ». Basée sur une démarche ethnographique et documentaire, notre recherche nous conduit à mettre en avant quatre mécanismes participant au processus d’étatisation : l'institutionnalisation, la monopolisation, la légitimation et la démarcation.

From the late 16th century to early 18th, silver mining was the economic engine of empire in the Andes, playing a significant role in Spain’s European ambitions and the forging of global trade. Yet this productivity came at a terrible cost for Andean people forced to work in the mines, and colonial critics forcefully debated the morality and legality of the mining economy even as it became essential to the colonial project itself. More than any others, the mercury mines of Huancavelica, Peru became synonymous with this conflict between the human toll of colonial exploitation and immense mineral wealth of the Andes. As the only Andean source of the mercury required to refine silver and a mine infamous for its toxic conditions, Huancavelica became a crucial source of debate over the conditions in which the Spanish Empire could and should employ forced labor. Royal officials attempted to soothe pious critics, maintain mercury production, and preserve the Andean labor force while Spanish miners and Andean communities vied for their own interests. This article examines conflicts over nocturnal labor to shed light on these dynamics, challenging simplistic understandings of labor relations at the mines where Andeans actively advocated for themselves, miners challenged royal policy, and even seemingly favorable conditions failed to yield tangible reforms.

This paper assesses the role and the challenges of the use of critical raw materials in Japan's program for achieving net-zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050.

Since 1994, the French Archaeological Mission at the Eastern Desert has excavated more than 20 sites in Egypt, focusing on Roman forts and Ptolemaic mining sites. Rich in natural resources, the region was heavily exploited in the Hellenistic Period (332–30 BC). Recent excavations at Ghozza reveal the harsh reality of mining.

The extant literature on diamond industries in Africa has predominantly focused on men, with few attempts to examine the industry from a gendered lens. I trace women and highlight their gendered roles in the diamond-mining industry in colonial Ghana (Gold Coast). Relying on archival, oral, and visual sources, this article highlights women’s involvement in Ghana’s diamond industry in different capacities—as discoverers, washers, licensed prospectors, and dealers. Ultimately, I argue that the dominance men have enjoyed in studies about diamond mining in Ghana (and Africa generally) reproduces the colonial archive but can be overcome through creative and innovative research.

In this paper, we present the foundations and results for a new rent database on mining land in Chile (1940–2017), which takes into account not only the surplus profits of the sector, but also the different mechanisms in which this land is appropriated by other social actors. The results are weighted in relation to the whole national economy, which is why an original time series of the general rate of profits and its components, surplus-value and total advance capital, is also provided. In this paper, we posit a methodological foundation based on Marx's developments and a critical review of the existing statistics and previous measures. The results are original as they are the first long-run time series of mining land rent which considers the main appropriation mechanisms by different social actors. In turn, it shows that previous studies underestimate the weight of mining land rent in the Chilean economy, particularly when the prices of copper are rising. In addition, the results make it possible to pose new questions regarding the development of the national specificity considered. As a result of this new evidence, we indicate specific determinations of the different political cycles in Chilean national life, showing the historical persistency of mining land rent beyond changes in its appropriation forms and, therefore, stepping outside of the import substitution industrialization and neoliberalism dichotomy, which dominates the long-run economic historiography in this country.

The COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 significantly impacted Australia’s resources sector, particularly mining, oil, and gas industries, posing challenges for operational leaders. This study applied Adaptive Crisis Management Theory (ACMT) to understand how these leaders adapted during the crisis. Through interviews with 32 operational leaders, it was found that their roles evolved as crisis demands changed. Initially, they addressed immediate needs, then shifted focus to remote work facilitation and digital transformation, and finally emphasised recovery, trust, and resilience. These adaptations influenced leaders’ behaviours, highlighting the importance of flexibility in supporting employee wellbeing and organisational continuity during crises.

Settler-colonial futurity and colonial onto-epistemology are embedded across mainstream Australian public education institutions and schooling. While Country is central to Indigenous being, knowledges and pedagogy, Australian public and school education and curricula regularly fail to engage with Country and place in its historical, political, institutional, more-than-human, and relational dimensions. This paper investigates how colonial discourse and narratives permeate public and schooling education resources about mining and the Australian gold rush, including those presented in local Victorian gold rush museums. These support an influential story of Australia’s past/present that erases First Nations1 custodial relations with Country, strengthens settler-colonial futurity and celebrates and legitimises its colonising and extractive relations between people, Country, and ecologies. The paper presents an argument for attending to critical, relational geopolitics in education and environmental education to destabilise and shift these ways of understanding. It considers opportunities and challenges presented by Australian curricula in terms of their capacity to develop geopolitical understandings of past/present/future social and ecological in/justice, and to support new political understandings and sense of connection and belonging with Country.

This article presents a novel approach to explain ethnopolitical mobilization among Kosovo Albanian miners during the winter of 1988–1989. Based on a close reading of the mining enterprise’s journal, it identifies three factors accounting for the rising politicization of ethnicity in microlevel dynamics within the Trepça mining enterprise. First, the article points at ethnic grievances in intra-elite managerial tensions and miners’ unrest. It relates these to structural conditions generated by the shifting cultural divisions of labor in Kosovo mining. Second, the article looks at counter-mobilizational dynamics among Kosovo Albanian miners, which were directly provoked by Serbian ethnopolitical mobilization during Slobodan Milošević’s rise to power. In a final step, the article reconstructs socio-occupational realignments taking shape in the particular decision-making structures of the mining enterprise. Against a background of internal power struggles and reorganizations, the executive management and the miners found themselves on the defensive against party representatives and managerial competitors. Making use of the enterprise’s institutional setup, they established a strong ethnopolitical alliance, which culminated in the underground strike of February 1989. The article suggests that this approach can be valuable to study other cases of intersecting social and ethnopolitical mobilization.

Batteries containing cobalt will play a central role in the global transition to cleaner energy. Most of the world’s cobalt comes from the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). However, the negative human rights image of the minerals sector in the DRC, and the emergence of an inaccurate and exploitative “blood cobalt” narrative risks harming small-scale, ‘artisanal’ producers who rely on this industry for their livelihood. The DRC government, civil society and small-scale producers already have a roadmap for ending child labour and improving working conditions. Countries and companies whose economies and business interests rely on these precious natural resources should engage with this roadmap rather than disengaging from the country’s mining sector altogether.