Despite ongoing attempts to fragment and eliminate the Palestinian people, Palestinians persist on their lands and continue to uphold their right to return home. In this article, I suggest that vital to this persistence are Palestinian feelings of belonging to and longing for Palestine. Together, these constellations of feeling form what I call affective sovereignty. Through this concept, I argue that such feelings constitute a sovereign Indigenous Palestinian claim to the land. That is, a Palestinian Indigenous sovereignty is sustained, affirmed, and reproduced in part through feeling. I track forms of affective sovereignty through the practices of Palestinian graffiti and hip-hop music. I find in these aesthetic practices four interrelated themes that together express an affective sovereignty. First, I analyse expressions of belonging to the land of Palestine. Next, I turn to expressions of belonging to the Palestinian people, particularly those that express unity across the geographic fragments of Palestine. Third, I analyse expressions of longing for Palestine from the condition of exile. Finally, I explore how these feelings are drawn into more directly resistant expressions of Palestinian sovereignty, suggesting that affective sovereignty forms the molten core of Palestinian resistance.

In 1893, the British explorer Frederick George Jackson travelled in the north of the Russian Empire, where he learned lessons—particularly in the areas of diet, transport, and clothing—from the Nenets and Sami people. I argue that his travels in this area influenced both his subsequent Jackson-Harmsworth Expedition (1894–97) and British Antarctic expeditions in the early 20th century, including those led by Robert F. Scott and Ernest H. Shackleton

Studying Jackson’s travels and writings can advance discussions about the role of Indigenous knowledge in British Polar exploration in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

Based on a new reading of both published and archival materials, the paper also charts some forms of knowledge that Jackson struggled to appropriate—particularly the use of reindeer for transport. In examining his failures, I argue that attempts to write Indigenous contributions into the history of exploration must focus on explorers’ failures as well as their successes—and on forms of Indigenous knowledge that proved difficult to use in other contexts.

In October 2022 at the annual board meeting of the Southeastern Archaeological Conference (SEAC), a new image policy for the journal Southeastern Archaeology was adopted that prohibited publication of photographs of funerary objects/belongings. In the discourse surrounding these new policies, a range of misunderstandings and mischaracterizations regarding consultative, collaborative, and community-based Indigenous archaeology were highlighted. Through a range of examples and personal experiences, this paper explores some of the realities of collaborative archaeological practice in the Indigenous American Southeast and aims to contextualize and mediate some recurring misunderstandings. Of particular importance and focus is the unique concept and definition of “the community” as it relates to collaborative practice across Indigenous North America. Importantly, I emphasize that southeastern archaeology and southeastern archaeologists are doing transformative work that puts us in a position to be leaders in the ongoing structural changes to our discipline.

There is little visibility for the voices of indigenous and Afro-descendant women in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), meaning that few studies offer information on mental health for this group. This study takes the Living Well (Buen Vivir) approach as a basis to examine the prevalence of depressive symptoms and their associated individual physical and social/cultural dimensions. Based on a national study involving the participation of a majority of Chilean peoples, 774 women identifying as indigenous (569 Andean indigenous and 146 other indigenous people) and Afro-descendant (59) were interviewed. The findings show that Andean and Afro-descendant women are more at risk of suffering depressive symptoms and that in general terms mental health should be understood from a holistic perspective, in addition to its being underpinned by several associations. Lower levels of depression were associated with older age, having a partner, independence in activities of daily living, social support from partner and being resilient. In contrast, higher levels of depression were associated with health problems, poor-quality relationship with grandchildren and loneliness. Out of the dimensions examined, resilience had a key influence on mental health among women. The findings are discussed in the context of a comprehensive view of wellbeing among ethnic minorities.

The Saami Council, founded in 1956, is one of the oldest Indigenous-led international organisations in the world. Despite this, its role and place on the world stage have been seldom examined, as has the place of internationally facing Indigenous Peoples’ Organisations more broadly. Using the organisation’s historical documents, among other sources, this article constructs a historic case study of the Saami Council from its founding in 1956 until the year 2000 to examine how it has evolved during this period and to better understand its standing within the greater international community. As the study discusses, since its inception, the organisation has evolved into an example of an Indigenous-led diplomatic organisation – one that came about through the changing political climate of the 1970s and solidified in the late 1990s. This evolution has implications for how we understand Indigenous-led advocacy and the role of non-state actors in international relations.

Indigenous peoples across the world are at disproportionate risk of mental health problems. Colonial hegemony, cultural infiltration, language loss, land grabbing, limited access to healthcare services, including mental health, and geographical isolation – all in synergy – contribute to the heightened risk of developing mental health problems. Epistemic injustice, apparently unrelated, yet another major determinant – can also contribute to the higher prevalence of mental health problems among Indigenous peoples. Systemic exclusion and marginalization of Indigenous people from the generation, dissemination, and validation of knowledge – the central concept of epistemic injustice – provides an opportunity to reflect on the disproportionate rates of mental health problems. If epistemic injustice is left unaddressed, the impetus for Indigenous peoples to participate in conventional health practices would be greatly impeded. In this article, I present the case of Bangladesh, where the conventional mental healthcare system has historically been ignorant of the inclusion of Indigenous people’s perspectives and lived experiences, eventually perpetuating epistemic injustice. Finally, I provide a framework to address epistemic injustices to reform mental healthcare in Bangladesh that can inform a system equipped with equitability, accessibility, cultural sensitivity, human rights, social justice, and collaborative alliance – key tenets of global mental health.

This perspective article takes up the challenge of articulating a political epistemology for extinction studies, centered around how both the systematic-scientific and mythopoetic traditions conceive of the idea of preservation. Political epistemology offers a solution to this for impasse because it asks the question of the social orientation or “end” of knowledge formations, thereby questioning what the larger goal of preservation might be. By focusing on the example of the thylacine, I outline one strand of what a political epistemology for contemporary justifications of preservation in the Museum might look like. Then I discuss how the mode of storytelling in extinction studies also conceives of preservation. Finally, I introduce the idea of replenishment as contrary to the preservation, focused on the cultural practices of Indigenous peoples in North East Arnhem Land, and ask whether new developments in the techno-scientific tradition will begin to turn to replenishment as well.

Different participatory mechanisms for the representation of Indigenous peoples have been proposed across states. Since their creation in 1867, the Māori electorates in the national Parliament have led to dedicated representation for Māori (Indigenous peoples of New Zealand). However, only half of Māori choose to vote on the Māori roll, the remainder choosing to vote on the General roll, illustrating that roll choice is not based simply on group representation. This survey aimed to ask Māori (N = 1,958) in their own words why they made their roll choice. Through a deductive codebook thematic analysis, a range of codes were constructed around the reasoning behind roll choice. Māori on the Māori roll made their choice because they valued Māori representation; as an expression of their identity; to support the electorates; as a strategic choice; or they had been influenced by others or through education. Those on the General roll felt their roll was the default or a more familiar option; the Māori roll had less of an impact; it was a strategic choice, or they appreciated greater candidate variety; or they valued the smaller geographic electorate size. Some felt Māori no longer needed separate representation or felt less connected to their identity as Māori. The results have implications for both Māori and Indigenous representation through dedicated representational mechanisms.

Indigenous Peoples in Canada are comprised of First Nations, Inuit and Métis and are the youngest and fastest growing population in the country. However, there is limited knowledge of how they are affected by multiple sclerosis (MS), the most common nontraumatic neurological disease of young adults, with Canada having one of the highest prevalences in the world. In this narrative review, we outline the limited studies conducted with Indigenous Peoples living with MS in Canada and the gaps in the literature. From the limited data we have, the prevalence of MS in Indigenous Peoples is lower, but the disease appears to be more aggressive. Given the dearth of Canadian data, we explore the worldwide MS studies of Indigenous populations. Lastly, we explore ways in which we can improve our understanding of MS among Indigenous Peoples in Canada, which entails building trust and meaningful relationships with these communities and acknowledging past and ongoing injustices. Furthermore, healthcare professionals conducting research with Indigenous Peoples should undergo training in cultural safety and data sovereignty, including principles of ownership, control, access and possession to have greater engagement with Indigenous communities to conduct more relevant research. With joint efforts between healthcare professionals and Indigenous communities, the scientific research community can be positioned to conduct better, more appropriate and desperately needed research, ultimately with improvements in the delivery of care to Indigenous Peoples living with MS in Canada.

Bringing critical race theory and settler colonial theory to bear on legal mobilization scholarship, this article examines the ongoing campaign to strike down the 1978 Indian Child Welfare Act (ICWA). ICWA sought to end the forced removal of American Indian children from their tribes. If successful, the challenges to ICWA’s constitutionality stand to undermine tribal sovereignty writ large. Drawing on a content analysis of documents from 17 major court cases (2013–2023) and a unique dataset of public-facing documents from the leading ICWA challengers, I interrogate the argumentative architecture of this legal mobilization. I find that the campaign to strike down ICWA is structured around three ideological maneuvers: erasure, settler normativity, and reclassification. These maneuvers scaffold a fourth – colorblindness – and the claim that ICWA is an unconstitutional race-based statute. I show how ICWA adversaries use these ideological maneuvers to legitimate white possession of Indigenous children and delegitimize tribal sovereignty. While existing work tends to treat colorblind racism and settler colonialism as analytically distinct, these findings shed light on the linkages between the two. They also marshal empirical analysis to illustrate how the embeddedness of settler colonialism and racism in the law enables broad claims to and defense of whiteness as property.