Kenya’s 2010 Constitution represents a landmark shift towards equality, incorporating diverse conceptions through provisions such as Article 27 on non-discrimination, Article 43 on socio-economic rights, and Article 56 on cultural and religious diversity. This progressive framework seeks to address historical inequalities that marginalized groups—such as women, persons with disabilities, and minorities—have faced in accessing resources, services, and political participation. However, implementation remains the critical determinant of whether these constitutional ideals translate into tangible societal change. This Article examines the role of the judiciary as a constitutional guardian in ensuring the realization of equality-related rights in Kenya’s hybrid democracy, characterized by democratic aspirations alongside authoritarian tendencies. It highlights the judiciary’s dual responsibility to balance deference to State organs with holding them accountable to constitutional mandates. By analyzing key cases, it identifies how courts have navigated tensions between promoting substantive equality and respecting the separation of powers, especially in the context of socio-economic rights and governance challenges. The Article advocates for an equality-sensitive approach to judicial review that integrates both strong-form and soft-form oversight, depending on the case’s circumstances. It emphasizes the application of a contextual and multi-dimensional equality framework—addressing redistribution, recognition, participation, and transformation—to ensure that vulnerable groups are protected. In addition, it proposes a mixed standard of review in socio-economic rights cases, balancing reasonableness with prioritization of the needs of vulnerable groups, and the use of structural interdicts to enforce compliance. Finally, this Article emphasizes the judiciary’s pivotal role in fostering constitutionalism and mitigating systemic inequalities. It calls for continued judicial vigilance, collaborative constitutionalism, and active civil society engagement to uphold the transformative promise of the 2010 Constitution, particularly in Kenya’s complex hybrid democracy.

The concept of the protein transition represents a shift from a diet rich in animal proteins to one richer in plant-based alternatives, largely in response to environmental sustainability concerns. However, a simple swap by replacing dairy protein with plant protein will lead to lower protein quality and a lower intake of key micronutrients that sit naturally within the dairy matrix. Owing to antagonistic effects within the plant food matrix, micronutrients in plant sources exhibit lower bioavailability which is not reflected in food composition data or dietary guidelines. The dairy matrix effect includes moderation of blood lipid levels in which calcium plays a key role. Protein recommendations often take a muscle-centric approach. Hence, strategies to increase the anabolic potential of plant proteins have focused on increasing total protein intake to counter the suboptimal amino acid composition relative to dairy protein or leucine fortification. However, emerging evidence indicates a role for nutrient interactions and non-nutrient components (milk exosomes, bioactive peptides) of the dairy matrix in modulating postprandial muscle protein synthesis rates. To ensure the food system transformation is environmentally sustainable and optimal from a nutrition perspective, consideration needs to be given to complementary benefits of different food matrices and the holistic evaluation of foods in the protein transition. This narrative review critically examines the role of dairy in the protein transition, emphasising the importance of the food matrix in nutrient bioavailability and muscle health. By considering both nutritional and sustainability perspectives, we provide a holistic evaluation of dairy’s contribution within evolving dietary patterns.

A neglected dimension of housing policy is how municipalities use it as a gatekeeping mechanism to exclude vulnerable groups and thereby control their territory. To examine this topic, we apply a systematic review that draws on the international academic literature and utilizes three bibliometric analyses. First, statistical analysis reveals the field’s growth and how it is characterized by publications often combining an impressive set of data and methods. Second, the material is explored through network analysis, emphasizing how a few important journals lead the distribution of knowledge. Finally, a thematic analysis highlights consistency in the detrimental effects of exclusionary policies across different contexts. A distinction between planned excluding practices and policies with such unintended effects are also evident. The analysis underscores the conflict between individual responsibilities and societal obligations, where current policies tend to place substantial burdens on the individual.

Employer engagement with active labour market programmes (ALMPs) and related employability projects is seen as vital to their ‘success’. However, the role of employers remains under-researched – a gap which widens in relation to non-governmental programmes led by not-for-profit, third-sector organisations (TSOs). Recent studies suggest that engaging employers may depend on addressing both human resource (HR) and corporate social responsibility (CSR) ‘logics’ and linking the roles of ‘gatekeeper to jobs’ and ‘proactive strategic partner’. A key question is whether TSO-led programmes are better placed to combine these logics and roles in engaging employers to help vulnerable groups into decent sustainable employment. The article explores this through a case study of two projects in England. The findings highlight the challenges that TSOs face in having to appeal almost exclusively to a CSR logic and explores why this is the case.

This article explores the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on vulnerable people in South Africa in the specific context of poverty and inequality. It does so by first looking at the conceptual context and then highlighting the extent of the impact both from a constitutional and human rights context and from a legislative context. It uses the poor and vulnerable as a proxy to explore the impact of the pandemic (and the measures put in place to contain it) on the specific constitutional rights of vulnerable people, before suggesting a human rights-based approach to managing the pandemic. It concludes that, despite the South African government having undertaken some of the actions recommended, there remains room for improvement and scope for further research, as the pandemic is expected to continue for some time.

As COVID-19 began to plague the world, the term ‘social distancing’ was frequently used, encouraging people to keep a safe physical distance from others to reduce the transmission of the virus. Despite being well-intended, the term has negative implications, further isolating vulnerable groups in society by evoking feelings of rejection and exclusion. For this reason, the members of the European Psychiatric Association Ethics Committee wrote an e-letter in response to an opinion piece published by Science (https://science.sciencemag.org/content/367/6484/1282/tab-e-letters), and also wrote to the European Psychiatry (https://doi.org/10.1192/j.eurpsy.2020.60) and the World Health Organisation explaining why the term ‘physical distancing’ should instead be used among policymakers, governments and the general public. Words are important and carry great meaning. Therefore, by using the term physical distancing and not social distancing the message becomes clear, individuals should remain physically distant but socially connected to protect the vulnerable communities in societies. The World Health Organisation, as well as the Lancet journals, adopting the term physical distancing in replacement of social distancing, was a rewarding and important step in the right direction.

The European Court of Human Rights (the Court) has been invoking the vulnerability criterion to overcome the drawbacks of cases concerning Article 14 of the European Convention on Human Rights, the prohibition of discrimination. This new criterion, allowing the Court to favour the applicants, highlights the applicants’ group affiliation. However, whether this criterion is effective in protecting vulnerable applicants against discrimination is doubtful. To examine this, I divide the Court's approach to Article 14 before and after the application of the vulnerability criterion. I argue that vulnerability criterion was used to fix the drawbacks of Article 14, but eventually backfired. The concept of vulnerability has been ambiguous, inconsistently used by the Court, and paternalistic. I suggest the Court focus on individual autonomy rather than grouping the applicants to improve their legal reasoning of Article 14.

Recent scientific evidence has indicated that the elderly have increased risk of COVID-19 infections, with over 70s and 80s being hardest hit – especially residents of care homes and in clinical settings, ethnic minorities, people who work indoors and those who are overweight and obese. Other potential risk factors include lack of exposure to sunlight, darker skin pigmentation, co-morbidities, poor diet, certain medications, disadvantaged social and economic status, and lifestyle factors such as smoking and excessive consumption of alcohol. A key question is to understand how and why certain groups of people are more susceptible to COVID-19, whether they have weakened immune systems and what the roles of good nutrition and specific micronutrients are in supporting immune functions. A varied and balanced diet with an abundance of fruits and vegetables and the essential nutrients like vitamin D, vitamin A, B vitamins (folate, vitamin B6 and vitamin B12), vitamin C and the minerals, Fe, Cu, Se and Zn are all known to contribute to the normal functions of the immune system. Avoidance of deficiencies and identification of suboptimal intakes of these micronutrients in targeted groups of patients and in distinct and highly sensitive populations could help to strengthen the resilience of people to the COVID-19 pandemic. It is important to highlight evidence-based public health messages, to prevent false and misleading claims about the benefits of foods and food supplements and to communicate clearly that the extent of knowledge between micronutrients and COVID-19 infection is still being explored and that no diet will prevent or cure COVID-19 infection. Frequent handwashing and social distancing will be critical to reduce transmission.

The connection between social identity and attitudes toward the criminal justice system (CJS) is an area of interest among criminologists and legitimacy scholars. Previous work has proposed a social identity theory of legitimation, positing that individuals categorize CJS officials as either in-group (i.e. legitimate authority) or out-group (i.e. illegitimate enforcer). Subsequently, how individuals perceive their CJS – including the sincerity of its commitment to the rule of law – is tied to this relationship. Those viewing the government as an out-group oppressor are less likely to accept its legitimacy. This article explores this thesis. From the perspective of system justification theory, how the CJS is categorized should depend on how strongly an individual identifies as belonging to a group disadvantaged by the CJS. System justification theorists hypothesize that system justification (including acceptance of system legitimacy) is more likely when members of disadvantaged groups believe that group interests are less important. Alternative models that explain attitudes toward the system by using social identity theory suggest the opposite: Those who identify more strongly with disadvantaged groups and hold their interests to be more important nonetheless justify oppositional systems and view them legitimately. The present study uses a sample of Black Americans (a disadvantaged group in the American CJS) to determine whether group identification predicts system justification.

Socio-economic inequalities in childhood can determine dietary patterns, and therefore future health. This study aimed to explore associations between social vulnerabilities and dietary patterns assessed at two time points, and to investigate the association between accumulation of vulnerabilities and dietary patterns. A total of 9301 children aged 2–9 years participated at baseline and 2-year follow-up examinations of the Identification and prevention of Dietary- and lifestyle-induced health EFfects In Children and infantS study. In all, three dietary patterns were identified at baseline and follow-up by applying the K-means clustering algorithm based on a higher frequency of consumption of snacks and fast food (processed), sweet foods and drinks (sweet), and fruits and vegetables (healthy). Vulnerable groups were defined at baseline as follows: children whose parents lacked a social network, children from single-parent families, children of migrant origin and children with unemployed parents. Multinomial mixed models were used to assess the associations between social vulnerabilities and children’s dietary patterns at baseline and follow-up. Children whose parents lacked a social network (OR 1·31; 99 % CI 1·01, 1·70) and migrants (OR 1·45; 99 % CI 1·15, 1·83) were more likely to be in the processed cluster at baseline and follow-up. Children whose parents were homemakers (OR 0·74; 99 % CI 0·60, 0·92) were less likely to be in the processed cluster at baseline. A higher number of vulnerabilities was associated with a higher probability of children being in the processed cluster (OR 1·78; 99 % CI 1·21, 2·62). Therefore, special attention should be paid to children of vulnerable groups as they present unhealthier dietary patterns.

The Nordic countries are admired for high employment, low levels of poverty and inequality, encompassing welfare states, and peaceful industrial relations. Yet the model is criticised for hampering the employment opportunities of vulnerable groups. The literature identifies several potential mechanisms of exclusion. Compressed wage structures may make employers reluctant to hire certain workers for fear that their productivity is too low to justify the cost. Second, generous benefits lower individuals’ incentive to work. Third, businesses increasingly specialise in high-skill activities. We explore these arguments comparatively by considering the employment chances of two vulnerable groups: disabled persons and migrants. The Nordic countries are compared with other rich democracies that take different approaches to social protection and wage dispersion. The Nordic countries do not perform systematically worse than other ‘varieties of capitalism’. In line with recent research, we also find that there is considerable intra-Nordic variation, which calls for further study.

Rights problems such as debt, employment, welfare benefits and family problems are widespread. They are problems of everyday life, affecting many people and many aspects of people's lives and are now well documented. In contrast, there has been little research on the role of family and friends when experiencing a problem and seeking advice. Drawing on comprehensive qualitative research, this article explores how people seeking advice for their rights problems rely on family and friends for help in the advice-seeking process. The research shows that help lies on a continuum from encouraging people to seek advice to assistance with the tasks necessary for problem resolution. The implications of this for service design are considered.