Garnet and biotite are common minerals in and adjacent to metamorphosed massive sulphide deposits, but their trace element compositions are rarely used to explore for such ores. Both minerals are present in hydrothermal alteration zones metamorphosed to the amphibolite facies spatially related to semi-conformable massive sulphide horizons in the Paleoproterozoic Stollberg Zn-Pb-Ag-(Cu-Au) plus magnetite ore field, Bergslagen district, Sweden. The major-trace element chemistry of garnet in metamorphosed altered rocks, mafic dykes and sulphide mineralisation shows that garnet in garnet-biotite alteration (and high-grade sulphides) is Fe-rich (almandine ratio > 0.5) whereas garnet in skarn and garnet-pyroxene alteration contains significantly higher amounts of Ca and Mn and elevated concentrations of Co, Cr, Ga, Ge, Sc, Ti, V, Y, Zn and the heavy rare earth elements (HREEs). Chondrite-normalized REE patterns of garnet in all rock types are depleted in light REEs and enriched in heavy REEs. Garnet in sulphide-bearing altered rocks, including garnet-biotite and garnet-pyroxene alteration, shows a strong positive Eu anomaly and the highest concentrations of Ga, Ge, Mn, Pb and Zn. Rocks more distal to sulphide mineralisation typically contain garnet that exhibits no or negative Eu anomalies and lower mean concentrations of these elements and higher concentrations of Ti. Biotite shows variable Fe/(Fe+Mg) ratios with most centred around 0.5 and enrichments in Ga, Mn, Sn, Pb and Zn in and adjacent to sulphides. This suggests that garnet and biotite can be used as a vectoring tool to ore in the Stollberg ore field and potentially for metamorphosed massive sulphides elsewhere.

Increasingly, older adults are redefining retirement by combining part-time employment with pension benefits, that is, becoming ‘working retirees’. This trend highlights socio-economic inequalities: some working retirees use part-time employment as a bridge to full retirement, while others must remain employed to prevent old-age poverty. However, little is known about how these work-retirement transitions unfold over time or the socio-economic factors that shape them. This knowledge gap is problematic because understanding the socio-demographic influences on these trajectories is essential for addressing inequalities in later-life employment and retirement security. This study examines transitions from work to retirement by following individuals from their 50s into their 70s and analysing the socio-demographic factors that differentiate these trajectories. It identifies the various pathways that older workers take when exiting the labour force and analyses how prior life course factors – including education, occupational status, career field, civil status, number of children and disposable income – predict the likelihood of following each work–retirement trajectory. The results reveal two distinct work–retirement trajectories: one reflects status maintenance, with higher income and education, white-collar and often men; the other reflects financial necessity, with lower income, children at home, no partner and often women. More advantaged working retirees experience greater employment changes in late life, highlighting the diversity of late-life careers. These findings suggest a broader range of extended work–life pathways than previously recognized and emphasize the need for policies that account for gendered and economic disparities in work and family responsibilities to ensure equitable and sustainable retirement transitions.

The financialisation of eldercare has become an internationally widespread phenomenon with significant implications. Previous literature has shown how finance-controlled providers (FCPs) initially launch their eldercare services throughout urban areas, but we know little about the ways that these providers subsequently expand their services. Focusing on nursing homes in Swedish eldercare, our aim with this paper is to develop new knowledge about the expansion strategies guiding FCPs. Deploying a Bourdieusian field perspective to analyse rich document data from Sweden’s three largest FCPs, we found that they sensed ‘booming opportunities’ following demographic trends among older citizens and economic difficulties within municipalities. However, we also find that FCPs perceived ‘looming challenges’ deriving from labour shortages and profit debates in the public sector, indicating demographic trends and economic difficulties were tough to leverage as opportunities. FCPs attempted to overcome such challenges through expansion strategies centred on acquiring eldercare providers and – most notably – building nursing homes. Our findings advance the literature on eldercare financialisation by highlighting how FCPs, in devising expansion strategies, not only adopt financial tools but also incorporate field perceptions. These strategies are ultimately utilised by FCPs to expand their positions as policy actors throughout welfare states that have undergone market-inspired reforms.

Do social networks at workplaces function as cues into the political arena? We consider this question using the case of Sweden, which has many leisure politicians who work in the regular labour market. Restricting our networks to small cells of individuals within the same occupation and workplace, we find that an individual is more likely to become a politician in the future if that person has a colleague who was a politician. We further find that these newly enrolled individuals are placed higher up on the party lists – which to a very large extent dictates which party nominees are elected – in subsequent elections. Our mechanism analysis indicates that the effect is stronger if we consider political party bloc networks and that high-ability party officials are more prominent than low-ability officials in terms of recruiting from their workplace networks.

A growing number of states are adopting a feminist foreign policy (FFP). While this change has excited much scholarly attention, the process by which countries decide to adopt FFP remains unclear: How can we explain their journey toward the formal adoption of FFP? What factors create an environment in which these states were willing (and able) to declare their foreign policy feminist? We bring together literature on FFP and foreign policy change to identify the factors that lead to the uptake of FFP. The roles of a favorable domestic context, policy entrepreneurs, a new governing coalition, and the international context for feminism are highlighted as having clear impact on the decision to adopt FFP. The paper focuses on two different cases: Sweden, which pioneered the idea of FFP until a rollback on its position following domestic elections in 2022, and Chile, which only adopted FFP in 2022.

Social democratic parties have contributed to the development of welfare state retrenchment in many European countries. While numerous studies have attempted to explain this, few have focused on how parties legitimize cuts, given that they are often unpopular with social democratic voters. Examining Sweden, we argue that the Swedish Social Democratic Party has developed a legitimation model that presents welfare cuts as a way of safeguarding the welfare state. This model has been persistently used since the early 1990s and is now central to the party's rhetoric. This has implications for how we should understand the ideological development of Swedish social democracy and suggests that it may be fruitful to study how welfare cuts are justified in other empirical contexts.

We present results from a pre-registered, well-powered $(N \gt 3,000,000)$ text message get-out-the-vote (GOTV) experiment, conducted during the 2019 European Parliament election in Sweden. Our findings suggest that a simple text message increases the likelihood of voting by 0.3 percentage points. Half of this effect spills over to untreated household members while workplace spillovers are near zero. Subsequent analysis reveals that the direct treatment effect is noticeably stronger among individuals with below-average voting propensities. Interestingly, within this same group, the household spillovers are significantly negative. We speculate and provide some indirect evidence, that these negative spillover effects may stem from the text message reminder influencing the behaviour of voters already motivated to vote. Above all, we propose that an increase in early voting, as opposed to voting on Election Day, among treated individuals may weaken the mechanisms thought to explain spillover effects since voters are less likely to bring their family members with them when voting early.

This article investigates changes in the right to social assistance – a means-tested cash support programme, regulated by the Social Services Act – for irregularised migrants over a period of four decades, 1982–2022. The article makes the case that austerity policies have hollowed out the right to support, with significant repercussions for those with irregularised residency status. In doing so, it draws on a range of empirical data to shed light on the dynamics of legal change over time and across various settings, identifying both continuities and critical turning points. The latter include shifts in national or local migration policies, and novel intersections between migration law and social law, epitomised by court judgments that have redrawn the lines of inclusion and exclusion in the sphere of rights holders. The article also highlights continuous issues concerning inconsistencies in the legal sources made used of by courts, neglect of children’s interests and needs, and an application of requirements for participation in work-related activities that disadvantage migrants and citizens alike. Ultimately, the article offers insights into how social rights can be preserved in the context of increasingly restrictive migration and social policies.

In September 2023, the trial at Stockholm District Court against Orrön Energy (previously Lundin Energy) and two corporate directors for complicity in war crimes in Sudan between 1999 and 2003, started. The Lundin case is part of a trend of attempts to hold corporations criminally accountable for their alleged involvement in serious human rights abuses and provides a unique opportunity to assess the possibilities of such attempts in relation to the rights of the victims. This article analyzes how human rights obligations and the objectives of reparations for victims are satisfied by Swedish law and practice in the Lundin trial. It shows that while the law allows victims participating in trial to put forward civil claims, it denies this right to the large number of victims not participating, and the decision early in the Lundin proceedings to separate damage claims from the criminal trial has left the participating victims effectively denied reparations.