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This study revisits the relationship between second-language (L2) learners’ ability to distinguish sounds in non-native phonological contrasts and to recognize spoken words when recognition depends on these sounds, while addressing the role of methodological similarity. Bilingual Catalan/Spanish learners of English were tested on the identification of two vowel contrasts (VI) of diverging difficulty, /i/-/ɪ/ (difficult) and /ɛ/-/æ/ (easy), in monosyllabic minimal pairs, and on their recognition of the same pairs in a word-picture matching task (WPM). Learners performed substantially better with /i/-/ɪ/ in VI than in WPM, and individual scores were only weakly correlated. By replicating previous findings through a more symmetrical design, we show that an account of prior work rooted in methodological dissimilarity is improbable and provide additional support for the claim that accuracy in sound identification does not guarantee improvements in word recognition. This has implications for our understanding of L2-speech acquisition and L2 pronunciation training.
Multilinguals face greater challenges than monolinguals in speech perception tasks, such as processing noisy sentences. Factors related to multilinguals’ language experience, such as age of acquisition, proficiency, exposure and usage, influence their perceptual performance. However, how language experience variability modulates multilinguals’ listening effort remains unclear. We analyzed data from 92 multilinguals who completed a listening task with words and sentences, presented in quiet and noise across participants’ spoken languages (Arabic, Hebrew and English). Listening effort was assessed using pupillometry. The results indicated higher accuracy and reduced effort in quiet than in noise, with greater language experience predicting better accuracy and reduced effort. These effects varied by stimulus and listening condition. For single words, greater language experience most strongly reduced effort in noise; for sentences, it had a more pronounced effect in quiet, especially for high-predictability sentences. These findings emphasize the importance of considering language experience variability when evaluating multilingual effort.
This chapter explores the intricate relationship between music and language, highlighting their shared neural processing in the brain. It looks at the musicality of speech, demonstrating how acoustic features such as pitch, rhythm, and timbre convey meaning and emotion in both music and language. Research reveals that even those who consider themselves unmusical possess an innate musicality, evident in their ability to perceive subtle differences in speech sounds. The chapter emphasizes that language acquisition in infants relies heavily on musical aspects, such as melody, rhythm, and prosody. Brain imaging studies confirm an overlap in neural networks for music and language processing, including Broca’s and Wernicke’s areas, traditionally associated with language. This ’music-language network’ is active from infancy, suggesting a deep biological connection between these two forms of communication. The chapter also highlights the therapeutic potential of music for language development. Musical activities can enhance speech perception, rhythmic skills, and reading abilities, particularly in children with language disorders or dyslexia. By engaging with music, children can playfully develop essential mental faculties, fostering overall cognitive and emotional growth.
One of the main challenges individuals face when learning an additional language (L2) is learning its sound system, which includes learning to perceive L2 sounds accurately. High variability phonetic training (HVPT) is one method that has proven highly effective at helping individuals develop robust L2 perceptual categories, and recent meta-analytic work suggests that multi-talker training conditions provide a small but statistically reliable benefit compared to single-talker training. However, no study has compared lower and higher variability multi-talker conditions to determine how the number of talkers affects training outcomes, even though such information can shed additional light on how talker variability affects phonetic training. In this study, we randomly assigned 458 L2 Spanish learners to a two-talker or six-talker HVPT group or to a control group that did not receive HVPT. Training focused on L2 Spanish stops. We tested performance on trained talkers and words as well as several forms of generalization. The experimental groups improved more and demonstrated greater generalization than the control group, but neither experimental group outpaced the other. The number of sessions experimental participants completed moderated learning gains.
This study investigated the neural mechanisms underlying bilingual speech perception of competing phonological representations. A total of 57 participants were recruited, consisting of 30 English monolinguals and 27 Spanish-English bilinguals. Participants passively listened to stop consonants while watching movies in English and Spanish. Event-Related Potentials and sLORETA were used to measure and localize brain activity. Comparisons within bilinguals across language contexts examined whether language control mechanisms were activated, while comparisons between groups assessed differences in brain activation. The results showed that bilinguals exhibited stronger activation in the left frontal areas during the English context, indicating greater engagement of executive control mechanisms. Distinct activation patterns were found between bilinguals and monolinguals, suggesting that the Executive Control Network provides the flexibility to manage overlapping phonological representations. These findings offer insights into the cognitive and neural basis of bilingual language control and expand current models of second language acquisition.
Growing evidence suggests that ratings of second language (L2) speech may be influenced by perceptions of speakers’ affective states, yet the size and direction of these effects remain underexplored. To investigate these effects, 83 raters evaluated 30 speech samples using 7-point scales of four language features and ten affective states. The speech samples were 2-min videorecordings from a high-stakes speaking test. An exploratory factor analysis reduced the affect scores to three factors: assuredness, involvement, and positivity. Regression models indicated that affect variables predicted spoken language feature ratings, explaining 18–27% of the variance in scores. Assuredness and involvement corresponded with all language features, while positivity only predicted comprehensibility scores. These findings suggest that listeners’ perceptions of speakers’ affective states intertwine with their spoken language ratings to form a visual component of second-language communication. The study has implications for models of L2 speech, language pedagogy, and assessment practice.
Twenty-five years ago, the publication of an article by Pallier, Colomé, and Sebastián-Gallés (2001) launched a new and rapidly evolving research program on how second language (L2) learners represent the phonological forms of words in their mental lexicons. Many insights are starting to form an overall picture of the unique difficulties for establishing functional and precise phonolexical representations in L2; however, for the field to move forward it is pertinent to outline its major emerging research questions and existing challenges. Among significant obstacles for further research, the paper explores the current lack of theoretical agreement on the concept of phonolexical representations and the underlying mechanism involved in establishing them, as well as the variable use of the related terminology (e.g., fuzziness and target-likeness). Methodological challenges involved in investigating phonological processing and phonolexical representations as well as their theoretical implications are also discussed. To conclude, we explore the significance of L2-specific phonological representations for the bottom-up lexical access during casual, conversational speech and how our emerging knowledge of L2 lexical representations can be applied in an instructional setting as two potentially fruitful research avenues at the forefront of the current research agenda.
Study abroad is typically viewed as a catalyst for pronunciation learning because it affords learners both massive amounts of L2 input and abundant opportunities for meaningful L2 use. Yet, even in such an environment, there is substantial variability in learning trajectories and outcomes. The nature of the target structure is also a powerful determinant of learning; some structures seem to develop effortlessly, whereas others do not improve much at all. Additionally, study abroad research brings to light the important issue of speaker identity, as learners often make decisions about how they want to sound and what pronunciation features they will adopt. This chapter examines developmental time frames, trajectories, and turning points in the phonetics and phonology of L2 learners in a study abroad context. We also describe how learners acquire the regional pronunciation variants of their host communities considering the phonetics of the target feature and learners’ attitudes and beliefs. We argue that study abroad should be situated within a dynamic, longitudinal, and context-dependent view of phonetic and phonological learning.
Researchers in bilingualism seek to identify factors that are associated with specific features of bilingual speech. One such predictive factor is language dominance, typically understood as the degree to which one of the languages of a bilingual is more often and more proficiently used. In this chapter we review landmark studies that demonstrate the power of language dominance in predicting fine-grained phonetic and phonological characteristics of speech production and on the perceptual and processing abilities in one or both languages of bilinguals. We then critically examine the construct of dominance and identify ways that dominance can be and has been measured, as well as challenges inherent in the measurement of dominance. We follow demonstrating the dynamic character of dominance by reviewing research on dominance switches and shifts. This is followed by a review of extant studies on language dominance in bilingual speech production, perception, and processing in both languages. We conclude with four areas where research can be fruitfully directed.
The Automatic Selective Perception (ASP) model posits that listeners make use of selective perceptual routines (SPRs) that are fast and efficient for recovering lexical meaning. These SPRs serve as filters to accentuate relevant cues and minimize irrelevant information. Years of experience with the first language (L1) lead to fairly automatic L1 SPRs; consequently, few attentional resources are needed in processing L1 speech. In contrast, L2 SPRs are less automatic. Under difficult task or stimulus conditions, listeners fall back on more automatic processes, specifically L1 SPRs. And L2 speech perception suffers where there is a mismatch between the L1 and the L2 phonetics because L1 SPRs may not extract the important cues needed for identifying L2 phonemes. This chapter will present behavioral and neurophysiology evidence that supports the ASP model, but which also indicates the need for some modification. We offer suggestions for future directions in extending this model.
This chapter provides a thorough, up-to-date review of the literature on the phonetics and phonology of early bilinguals. It pulls together studies from a range of bilingual settings, including bilingual societies and heritage language contexts. While the chapter mostly reviews evidence from adolescent and adult participants, it also makes reference to the child bilingualism literature, where appropriate. The chapter first reviews studies on the accents of early versus late bilinguals, followed by a discussion of the various explanatory accounts for the observed differences between these two groups. Subsequently, the critical significance of early linguistic experience on bilingual speech patterns is considered, with particular reference to the evidence from childhood overhearers and international adoptees. The following sections then review studies comparing simultaneous and early sequential bilinguals, and those exploring the role of language dominance, continued use, the language of the environment in bilinguals’ pronunciation patterns, and the role of sociolinguistic factors in early bilingual speech patterns. The chapter concludes with suggestions for future research.
This chapter reviews evidence that the orthographic forms (spellings) of L2 sounds and words affect L2 phonological representation and processing. Orthographic effects are found in speech perception, speech production, phonological awareness, and the learning of words and sounds. Orthographic forms facilitate L2 speakers/listeners – for instance in lexical learning – but also have negative effects, resulting in sound additions, deletions, and substitutions. This happens because L2 speakers’ L2 orthographic knowledge differs from the actual working of the L2 writing system. Orthographic effects are established after little exposure to orthographic forms, are persistent, can be reinforced by factors other than orthography, including spoken input, and are modulated by individual-level and sound/word-level variables. Future research should address gaps in current knowledge, for instance investigating the effects of teaching interventions, and aim at producing a coherent framework.
This chapter outlines studies within the domain of speech perception by bilingual adult listeners. I first discuss studies that have examined bilinguals’ perception of L1 and/or L2 speech segments, as well as those that have tested perception of unfamiliar, non-native speech segments. In turn, I examine each of the factors that are known to affect bilinguals’ perception of speech, which include age of L2 acquisition, effects of L1:L2 usage as they pertain to language dominance and proficiency, and short-term contextual effects on speech perception. I also provide an overview of the literature on bilinguals’ perception of suprasegmentals. Finally, I explore what I think are some of the crucial questions facing the field of bilingual speech perception.
This chapter examines the acquisition of vowels and consonants in perception and production during typical second language (L2) acquisition by sequential, dominant bilinguals. The acoustic and articulatory studies reviewed serve to illustrate general patterns of L2 segmental learning with a focus on four principal themes, each structured around one or two main research questions: 1) cross-linguistic influence (How does a sequential, dominant bilingual’s first language shape L2 segmental perception and production?); 2) development (Are there universal patterns to L2 segmental speech development? Are certain vocalic and consonantal phenomena acquired more easily?); 3) inter- and intralearner variability (What are the sources of differences in perception and/or production between learners and for the same learner over time and in different communicative contexts?); and 4) training effects (What are the effects of training on learning? How do variables such as task and stimuli type condition effectiveness?).
Evidence that listeners attend to and track subphonemic phonetic details is indicated by listeners’ ability to reliably connect subphonemic variation and, often, socio-indexical associations in ways that align with the patterns realized in production. Bilinguals are presented with the task not only of associating within-language variation (e.g., social group X is connected to a particular range of phonetic realizations within language Y) but also of attending to how ethnolects and bilingually accented speech index social categories across languages. Having access to multiple languages also gives bilingual speakers a larger repertoire with which to index language- and community-specific social meaning. This chapter outlines the linguistic structures bilinguals may connect across their languages and then presents a specific exemplar model, noting the opportunities within the model’s structure for bilingual dynamics. The heterogeneity of bilingual individuals and speech communities is necessarily addressed, as this dynamic adds to the complexity and intrigue of studying bilingual populations.
In this chapter, we thoroughly describe the L2LP model, its five ingredients to explain speech development from first contact with a language or dialect (initial state) to proficiency comparable to a native speaker of the language or dialect (ultimate attainment), and its empirical, computational, and statistical method. We present recent studies comparing different types of bilinguals (simultaneous and sequential) and explaining their differential levels of ultimate attainment in different learning scenarios. We also show that although the model has the word “perception” in its name, it was designed to also explain phonological development in general, including lexical development, speech production, and orthographic effects. The chapter demonstrates that the L2LP model can be regarded as a comprehensive theoretical, computational, and probabilistic model or framework for explaining how we learn the phonetics and phonology of multiple languages (sequentially or simultaneously) with variable levels of language input throughout the life span.
While the pathogenesis of sudden sensorineural hearing loss is thought to be localised to the cochlea, recent microRNA findings suggest a neuro-topic localisation in some patients. This study distinguishes if neural and non-neural groups differ in hearing recovery.
Methods
Neural-type hearing loss was defined as a presenting word recognition score less than 60 per cent, with a word recognition score reduction greater than 20 per cent than expected based on the averaged pure tone audiometry. Hearing recovery was defined as an improvement of greater than or equal to 10 decibels in pure tone audiometric thresholds.
Results
Eight of 12 and 24 of 36 of neural and non-neural hearing loss patients demonstrated hearing recovery, respectively. The affected ear's word recognition score (per cent) change with treatment were different between the neural and non-neural groups (46.9 ± 29.8 vs 3.2 ± 25.8 (p < 0.0001)).
Conclusion
The hearing recovery rate in neural and non-neural hearing loss groups was similar. Patients with neural-type hearing loss demonstrated greater word recognition score recovery post treatment than those in the sensory group.
Spoken language is a rapidly unfolding signal: a complex code that the listener must crack to understand what is being said. From the structures of the inner ear through to higher-order areas of the brain, a hierarchy of interlinked processes transforms the acoustic signal into a linguistic message within fractions of a second. This Element outlines how we perceive speech and explores what the auditory system needs to achieve to make this possible. It traces a path through the system and discusses the mechanisms that enable us to perceive speech as a coherent sequence of words. This is combined with a brief history of research into language and the brain beginning in the nineteenth century, as well as an overview of the state-of-the-art neuroimaging and analysis techniques that are used to investigate phonetics in the brain today. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.
Ideophones – imitative words using the stream of speech to simulate/depict the rise and fall of sensory perceptions and emotions and temporal experiences of completiveness, instantaneousness, and repetitiveness – have been characterized as semantically empty and context-dependent. The research reported here tested a simple schematic for the semantic categories of Pastaza Kichwa ideophones by tracking neurological responses to ideophones categorized as VISUAL, MOTION, and SOUND. Seventeen native speakers of Pastaza Kichwa listened to audio clips of ideophones extracted from sentential contexts. Subjects’ neural activity was assessed using functional near-infrared spectroscopy. Results demonstrate that these posited semantic categories activate areas of the brain associated with visualization, motion, and sound processing and production, respectively. This suggests that these ideophones convey semantic information related to these concepts, independent of context. This contrasts with what would be expected by theories suggesting that ideophones on their own are semantically empty. The data give rise to questions regarding whether any language contains only sound ideophones that do not carry additional sensory information and whether ideophones in previous studies treated strictly as sound ideophones might require greater specification of their semantics, specifically from a multisensorial perspective.
Spoken threats are a common but linguistically complex language crime. Although threatening language has been examined from different linguistic perspectives, there is limited research which critically addresses how people perceive spoken threats and infer traits such as threat and intent from speakers' voices. There is also minimal linguistic research addressing differences between written and spoken threats. By specifically analysing threats delivered in both written and spoken modalities, as well as integrating perceptual phonetic analysis into discussions on spoken threats, this Element offers perspectives on these two under-researched areas. It highlights the dangers of assuming that the way in which someone sounds correlates with, for example, their intention to commit harm, and explores potential problems in assuming that written and spoken threats are equivalent to one another. The goal of the Element is to advance linguistic knowledge and understanding around spoken threats, as well as promote further research in the area.