Chapter 5 continues to explore the connections and disconnections between the transitional justice project and non-recurrence of conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). It proposes that education can make or break meaningful assurances of conflict non-recurrence. The chapter demonstrates how ethnically segregated history teaching in BiH plays a key role in the maintenance of a post-conflict status quo which has frozen certain anxieties around the uncertain future of peace in the country. Further, the chapter posits that the global project of transitional justice, while not responsible for the burgeoning ethnonationalism, has actively made bad situations worse with its short-sighted security priorities and general misunderstanding of security as lived experience. In particular, the chapter focuses on how and why the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia undertook a role of an educator of the BiH youth and public and how the advocates of the transitional justice project have ignored the complexity of the prevention needs of the BiH society.

Like Bombay and Calcutta later, Madras had an improbable start. Unprepossessing the site may have been, but by the time Francis Day resolved this was to be the first permanent settlement of the Company, he found receptive audiences in London and Bantam. Despite costs which troubled the court, work began immediately to fortify the town, and when population levels soared through the migration and settlement of native artisans and their families, it was surveyed, ordered, segregated and taxed. Importantly also, the experience of Madras threw into sharp relief the urgent need for a legitimacy grounded in jurisdictional power. Madras thus provided the means of addressing the manifold complexities associated with imposing a foreign administration of justice on a population which for the most part inhabited indigenous systems. The process was messy, pragmatic and incomplete, but by the early years of the eighteenth century, a court system was installed. Although based exclusively on an English model of municipal and legal reform, this was a system that helped to assert the sovereign authority of the Company and shaped the experiences of Bombay and Calcutta.

After the departure of the 93rd Infantry Division, the 92nd, which had hitherto been trained at various camps, assembled at Huachuca under the leadership of General Almond, a follower of the strictest regime of segregation. Under his command, the arrival of these men and their officers provoked a brutal change: the compromises and racial adjustments initiated by the fort commander were called into question by reinforced segregation (despite the general staff’s recommendations for arrangements), yet another level of humiliation, and even more repressive court martials. The imposition of a southern racial regime on the fort came close to provoking mutinies.

The training of two all-black infantry divisions at Fort Huachuca during World War II is unprecedented in American history. Although it provides an insight into the contradictions of the US Army’s racial policy, this experiment has never been described before. This microhistory explores the agency of soldiers in the face of segregation and of their being treated as if they were inferior by the army.

Antisemitism was a determining feature of Nazi ideology. The racial state was to be established through the so-called “Judenpolitik,” which aimed to “reduce Jewish influence,” make life for Jews in Germany difficult or impossible, and eventually drive Jews out of Germany. Although this policy was directly inspired by Hitler’s own thinking and by Nazi ideology, the resulting discrimination and persecution, culminating in genocide, was not a linear top-down process but rather the result of a dynamic interaction between central Nazi Party and state institutions, often triggered by bottom-up initiatives by local party activists at municipal level. Terror against Jews was used to drive this policy. It encompassed coercion and violence against Jews or people considered to be Jewish accompanied by legal measures to oust Jews from public life in Germany, reflecting what émigré lawyer Ernst Fraenkel described as a “dual state”: a “state of measure or action,” which used terror to quench opposition and fight “racial opponents,” and the “state of norms,” which employed legislation to achieve its aims while preserving legal certainty in order to avoid antagonizing majority society.

This chapter depicts determining factors for the emergence of ghettos and camps for Jews (continuation of/break with prewar anti-Jewish policies and plans); addresses improvisation based on local/regional conditions/decisions, connections with efforts at “Germanization,” and exploitation; explains evolution over time and highlights patterns and diversity of Jewish confinement via select examples (e.g., big urban ghetto, small ephemeral ghetto, forced labor camp); and addresses the scope, functions, and consequences of violence via spatial segregation by Germans and their surrogates (Jewish councils, surrounding locals).

Although racial segregation was a social and literary reality throughout the nineteenth century, it would not come to define political, social, and literary practice until the fin de siècle. The defeat of Populism and the wave of disfranchisement across the South in the 1890s enabled the rise of the segregationist order of Jim Crow. Within this order, black writers incubated the idea that the political fate of black Americans required establishing an African American literature. From the 1890s forward, a variety of black writers, including Charles Chesnutt, Anna Julia Cooper, W. E. B. Du Bois, Sutton E. Griggs, Frances Ellen Watkins Harper, and J. McHenry Jones, sought in their fictional representations of segregation to determine whether these strictures reflected the political will of white southern elites or the animus of lower-class whites. With no social or political basis for political participation by the southern working classes, the form of black politics that came to predominate in the South was what the historian Judith Stein has called “appeals to the ruling elements of society” for justice and redress, with correlate appeals to black elites to speak for the race. It was also this politics of appeal that structured the rise of African American literature.

Introduces readers to the history and legacy of Black homesteading through the story of the Dearfield Colony, established in Colorado prior to the Dust Bowl Era.

The US Constitution committed to equality in the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments following the Civil War. Legislators and judges quickly confronted the question of what these new provisions might mean for private actors. The Radical Republicans aimed to bring the commitment to equal protection into private spaces, propagating republican discourses about the practical requirements of equal citizenship and the potential duties of private actors. However, the Supreme Court soon reached its own countervailing conclusion that only state actors, not private actors, gained duties from the Reconstruction Amendments. While this latter understanding remained firm, private actors effectively gained obligations to equality under the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and later court decisions working around the initial cabining of constitutional equality. Later debates evince a revival of republican-inflected language and arguments for something like horizontal application, even while the country’s jurists viewed such an extension of rights as basically impossible. Several other episodes in constitutional politics, both at the national and state levels, would continue to revisit this question across a range of issue areas.

The false consensus effect is the observation that people tend to overestimate the number of people who share their views. In modern environments we also see growing evidence of greater polarization. For example, according to the Pew Research Center over the past five decades, congressional US Democrat and Republican ideologies have increasingly diverged, with an ever shrinking middle ground. This is appears to also be reflected among US citizens, with a "disappearing center" hastened by growing “anarchist” and “anti-establishment” ideologies. Many have speculated that this polarization is a global phenomenon. The question we pose here is how beliefs and network structure might interact to facilitate both false consensus effects and rising polarization.

After the Civil War, the American South seemed to be the exception to American exceptionalism. As the late British historian Eric Hobsbawm asserted, after the end of Reconstruction, the South remained “agrarian, poor, backward, and resentful; whites resenting the never-forgotten defeat and blacks the disfranchisement and ruthless subordination imposed by whites when reconstruction ended.” Confederate defeat and the emancipation of slaves left the American South faced with the challenge of embarking upon the “Age of Capital” while largely bereft of capital. This chapter focuses on how the southern capital shortage turned much of the rural South into a “vast pawn shop” with financing for planting crops coming from a mortgage on a crop not yet produced. As beggars for capital, the American South became the ragged stepchild of the industrializing American economy, an economic backwater controlled by outside capital. Active economic legacies of the capital-starved South still haunt the region’s economic landscape in the form of underdeveloped human capital.

The historical apartheid dichotomy and its present-day effects in South Africa remain characterised by exclusion and inequality along racial lines, with specific reference to land access. While land redistribution efforts have sought to foster inclusion and equity, the narratives on landownership remain multi-dimensional. This study aimed to determine the underlining narrative themes and potential gaps in research regarding the landownership struggle in South Africa. The methodology includes a bibliometric review to identify keywords, clusters and research trends in relevant publications through VOSviewer (v1.6.17) software. Furthermore, a thematic analysis using NVivo 12 was applied to achieve the research aim. Four clusters were identified, including agricultural production, land reform, the rural economy and poverty reduction, with recent research focused on agricultural land, livelihoods and poverty alleviation. The findings highlighted the continuing inequality in landownership and a gap in research regarding the post-redistribution use of land. The chapter proposes a reimagining of urban planning in South Africa, Africa and the global south through identifying future research avenues in land redistribution to catalyse the equitable and productive utilisation of land. This includes research on the role of financial support mechanisms and political capacity in land redistribution interventions.

Rhetoric is of paramount importance when facing an issue that requires a reformation of public sentiment. Such an issue is the struggle for the protection of the civil rights of black Americans. This section consists of six speeches that address this issue. The speakers include Booker T. Washington, W.E.B. Du Bois, Martin Luther King, John F. Kennedy, and Malcom X.

This chapter focuses on the British community in pre-war Hong Kong and explores how Britishness as a non-European identity translated to a colonial setting. Drawing from laws, social practices, and press debates, this chapter explores how white Britons viewed colonial British subjects and other non-British Europeans in Hong Kong. Many white Britons clearly saw ‘British’ as a racial category, and they worked hard to maintain the arbitrary boundary of the ‘British race’. But by the 1930s the latest, hostility towards other Europeans became visible as international relations deteriorated in Europe. Amidst talks of ‘Buy British’ and ‘Britons First’ were also vocal appeals to include colonial subjects as part of being British. Findings of this chapter uncovered in the British community in 1910–45 Hong Kong not only an increasingly inclusive attitude towards British subjects of colour, but also a determination to define Britishness as not only a race, but also a national identity.