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Since independence in 1966, the Republic of Botswana in southern Africa has had a long history of democratic elections. Botswana also has one of the highest populations of San peoples in the region, who have faced discrimination and marginalization for centuries. The San, who consider themselves to be Indigenous Peoples, are not accepted as such by Botswana’s government, which holds that all its citizens are Indigenous. San, who number some 60,000 in Botswana, have faced severe difficulties in getting access to land and natural resources. This chapter describes some of the processes of dispossession that San have faced. While some lands have been set aside as remote area settlements, these areas are not solely for San people. Communal land in the country is alienable, and there are no legal guarantees to land for San and other minorities. The expansion of the livestock, agriculture, tourism and mining industries have also had impacts on San people and their neighbors. San have responded to these situations by organizing non-government organizations (NGOs), lobbying for their rights nationally and internationally, and going to the High Court with legal cases, some of which have been successful. The legal cases involving the Central Kalahari San, in particular, have set international precedents – for example, to the human right to water – which have global relevance. However, the government has not honored many of the High Court judgments, leaving the San in a position where their land and resource rights are still precarious.
The aboriginal peoples of southern Africa, collectively known as San, suffered widespread genocidal violence as a result of colonial invasion from the eighteenth century onwards. Being hunter-gatherers and racially stereotyped as among the lowest forms of humanity, they were targeted for mass violence by colonial states and civilian militias. The first case study in this chapter analyses exterminatory Dutch and British violence against San in the Cape Colony during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The second examines the obliteration of San society in Transorangia by indigenous Griqua polities during the early nineteenth century, cautioning against the over-simple, racialised binaries that often inform studies of frontier strife. Thirdly, from the mid-1840s onwards after the British annexation of Natal, conflict with San communities in the midlands resulted in their eradication by 1870. The fourth case study outlines how South African forces halted the German genocide of Namibian San when they invaded German South West Africa in 1914. The final case reveals a different pattern. It explores how late-nineteenth-century white pastoralists established peaceful relations with San in western Bechuanaland.
The hunter-gatherers of southern Africa known as 'Bushmen' or 'San' are not one single ethnic group, but several. They speak a diverse variety of languages, and have many different settlement patterns, kinship systems and economic practices. The fact that we think of them as a unity is not as strange as it may seem, for they share a common origin: they are an original hunter-gatherer population of southern Africa with a history of many thousands of years on the subcontinent. Drawing on his four decades of field research in Botswana, Namibia and South Africa, Alan Barnard provides a detailed account of Bushmen or San, covering ethnography, archaeology, folklore, religious studies and rock-art studies as well as several other fields. Its wide coverage includes social development and politics, both historically and in the present day, helping us to reconstruct both human prehistory and a better understanding of ourselves.
The archaeological sequence at Kasteelberg B, in the Western Cape of South Africa, spans a millennium and covers several distinct occupational phases in the early pastoralist settlement history of the region. Attempts to understand that history through coordinating archaeological, linguistic and genetic evidence have proved problematic. The refined programme of radiocarbon dating presented here sheds further light on the different phases of occupation. More remarkably, it suggests, despite changes in material culture, the persistence of a single population over time, rather than population replacement as has been previously conjectured.
Among San communities in Botswana, the rate of student disengagement from both primary and junior secondary school is an ongoing concern for educators. San learners leave school at all levels of primary and junior secondary education. Students who leave school have tended not to provide reasons as to why they are dropping out. This study investigated some of the reasons why San learners decided to drop out at primary and junior secondary school levels in the Central District in Botswana. In-depth interviews were undertaken with 20 former students living in five cattle-posts where the participants worked as cattle herders. The results indicate that some San drop out of school for reasons of survival, both within and outside school. The findings of the study offer insights into some of the issues that impede students within San communities in achieving their educational goals. Further, the findings could assist educational authorities in their review of current educational practices in Botswana so that that all citizens can be appropriately accommodated within the education system.
The argument that shamanism is the key that unlocks the hidden meaning of rock art continues to provoke debate over three decades after it was first proposed. In a recent article in Antiquity (86: 696–706), David Lewis-Williams and David Pearce defend the argument that nineteenth-century ethnographies provide evidence for a trance dance and shamanic healing that are vital to understanding southern African rock art. In this reply, Anne Solomon challenges the claim that the ethnographic evidence describes shamanism and trance healing and argues that elision of southern San (/Xam) and Kalahari San practices in a single narrative has obscured important differences. The author suggests that there is no evidence that dances or trance states were connected with healing in /Xam society. These confusions, it is argued, undermine key aspects of the shamanistic interpretation of rock art.
Cave paintings and first-hand ethnographic accounts from living peoples have led to the notion that southern African spiritual experts routinely mediated with the other world through energetic dances leading to the trance state. The evidence for this idea has been challenged in recent years, and the importance of the trance dance diminished accordingly. The authors confront these criticisms and place the shamanistic dance back on centre stage—with important consequences not only for the study of San peoples, but for wider prehistoric interpretations.
The author demonstrates that the complex images of rock art known as formlings depict or evoke the equally complex architecture of ant-hills. Presented in cutaway and full of metaphorical references, they go beyond the image into the imagination.
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