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Most of what we know about organized criminal violence comes from research on illicit narcotics markets. Yet criminal groups also fight to capture markets for licit commodities, as evidenced by Sicilian lemons and Mexican avocados. When do organized criminal groups violently expand into markets for licit goods? We argue that rapid increases in the share of a good’s export value create opportunities for immediate profit and future market manipulation. These opportunities lead to violence as groups expand their territorial holdings and economic portfolio. We provide subnational evidence of our mechanism using data on avocado exports from Mexico, and address reverse causality with Google Trends data on the popularity of web searches for “avocado toast.” We also provide cross-national evidence by combining data from the Atlas of Economic Complexity, V-Dem, and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). We find that increases in a country’s share of global export value for agricultural goods are associated with more homicides—but only where organized criminal groups are present.
A major challenge for contemporary legal constitutionalism is a crisis of public ethics that manifests in the lack of mutual toleration and institutional forbearance towards the judiciary. To showcase the importance of these norms in the relationship among co-equal branches of government, I focus on three cases, one where these norms have been present—South Africa—one where they have been absent—Mexico—and one case in between—United States. Until this crisis is addressed, the authority of apex courts will continue to be under threat. The Article suggests that a starting point to address the public ethics deficit may lie in shifting comparative constitutional law scholarly attention to the political sphere.
Discontent in Britain’s Thirteen Colonies had built to open violence by the mid-1770s, much of it occurring in and around Boston. (See Map 19.) A lack of representation and perceptions that British leaders pursued overbearing policies because they were indifferent or even hostile to the plight of the inhabitants pushed ever more colonists towards open rebellion. In response, the tools Britain possessed to confront its colonial troubles were limited by the nature of its government and the few instruments at its disposal. These included the army and navy, but their use at Boston only exacerbated tensions. Fighting flared on 19 April 1775 when British soldiers attempted to seize munitions at Concord, Massachusetts. Along the way, at Lexington, shots were fired and several colonists were killed. Afterwards, colonists sniped at and harried the British on their return to Boston. In the wake of Lexington and Concord, American militia gathered around Boston, surrounding its British garrison. Nearly two months after the outbreak of hostilities, the Americans seized and fortified the strategic Charlestown Peninsula overlooking Boston harbour. In response, the British stormed the position in what became known as the battle of Bunker Hill: the first major battle of the American Revolution. At the end of the day, the British held the field, but at the cost of nearly a quarter of their army in Boston.
This chapter discusses Caribbean antifascism’s roots and its connection to the Comintern’s regional radical network, tracing the evolution of the movement from its anti-imperialist origins as early as 1924. The discussion provides specific examples as to how visions of fascism and antifascism were created for and/or adapted to the local and regional realities through an anti-imperialist prism. The study also maps the transnational and transatlantic journey of an antifascist discursive formula from its origins as a Caribbean hologram equating fascism with imperialism, to its official incorporation to the Communist internationalist lexicon as Comintern policy in 1935, and finally to its application as a propaganda formula during the Spanish Civil War. In the long run, while Caribbean antifascism’s anti-imperialist sensibilities may have been lost in translation in the mayhem of theoretical battles and iron-fist, Stalinist policies, the gist of the messages survived the turmoil, and perhaps still lingers on in our culture even to this day.
In a certain sense all theatre is an act of translation. We translate written and devised texts into stage action, characters are translated into beings, images are translated into physical spaces. In this essay, Adam Versényi explains how, because she was a playwright writing primarily in her second language throughout her career, María Irene Fornés was simultaneously writing and translating, with each practice inextricably linked to the other. Drawing upon his on own professional practice as a dramaturg and translator, Versényi argues that not only does an understanding of translation provide greater access to Fornés’s creative process but also that a careful reading of Fornés’s work informs the topic of translation itself. As example, Versényi explores how Fornés’s playwrighting method and the process of theatrical translation affect two notably distinct translations of Fornes’s The Conduct of Life (1985).
There has been limited research into the effectiveness of penetrating captive bolt (PCB) for stunning horses (Equus caballus) at slaughter. This study observed 100 horses at a commercial abattoir in Mexico, stunned using pneumatic PCB. Animals were assessed at the time of stunning and immediately after for signs of effective/ineffective stunning and shot positioning, with macroscopic gross brain pathology conducted to determine brain trauma. Twenty-five percent (25/100) received more than one shot and 28% (28/100) displayed behavioural signs of ineffective stunning. Of these 28 animals, all had deviations of more than 10 mm from the suggested shot position outlined by the Humane Slaughter Association with rostral-caudal deviation associated with an absence of damage to the thalamus, midbrain, and pons. Forty-four percent (44/100) of animals displayed no damage to critical brain structures (thalamus, midbrain, pons and medulla), with this associated with ineffective stunning. Overall, 16% of shots missed the brain (16/100), with a higher proportion of poll shots (30%) missing the brain compared to frontal shots (12%). There is the potential, when animals are shot into the poll, for paralysis from damage to the spinal cord and caudal brainstem structures. Appropriate position, angle and performance of PCB is therefore vital to achieving an effective stun, by targeting critical brain structures responsible for maintaining consciousness and ensuring proper PCB maintenance. Animals should be routinely checked between stunning and exsanguination, with minimal time between these stages, to minimise recovery of consciousness and alleviate suffering for horses at slaughter.
This study examines how racial identity affects legislative responsiveness in Mexico using an email-based audit experiment. Emails from simulated Indigenous, Mestiza, and European-White constituents were sent to all 626 federal legislators to test whether perceived identity shapes replies and their quality. Contrary to expectations, Indigenous-named constituents received significantly higher response rates that were more personalized and helpful than their European-White counterparts, while Mestiza-named constituents showed no significant differences in response rates. We found no coalition-based differences, though power was limited, and responsiveness declined in districts with larger Indigenous populations, revealing how national inclusion norms may be moderated by local demographic and political dynamics.
To estimate the within-households association between change in income over time and food purchases in a national panel of households. The need to shift towards healthy and sustainable diets is widely recognised, thus the importance of identifying the factors that influence food purchase decisions.
Design:
Longitudinal observational study; for each of the thirty-three food items queried, we ran a conditional logistic fixed-effect regression model to evaluate the association between change in income per-capita and food purchases (yes/no) during the past week, adjusted by covariates.
Setting:
Mexican Family Life Survey.
Participants:
6008 households that participated in the survey for at least two of the three available waves of study (2002, 2005 and 2009).
Results:
Within-households, the OR (95 % CI) of purchasing the food in the past week for an increase in 1 sd of income was 1·09 (1·02, 1·16) for rarer fruits (other than bananas, apples and oranges); 1·11 (1·04, 1·18) for beef; 1·06 (1·00, 1·13) for canned tuna/sardines; 1·09 (1·02, 1·18) for fish/shellfish; 1·08 (1·02, 1·16) for discretionary packaged products and 1·15 (1·08, 1·23) for soft drinks. There were some differences by urban/rural area or socio-economic status (SES); mainly, those with lower SES had increased odds of purchasing the food item in more cases (ten out of thirty-three food items).
Conclusions:
Households’ income growth can have mixed effects on the healthiness and sustainability of food purchases. Public policies to improve the food environment and nutrition education are necessary to enhance the positive and counteract the negative effect of income.
This study examines whether women politicians address violence against women (VAW) more effectively than their male counterparts at the local level in Mexico. Using a regression discontinuity design that leverages close mayoral elections, we find that women mayors reduce some of the most egregious violent crimes committed against women, with estimates suggesting a 64.7% reduction in homicides of women over their 3-year terms. As evidence of potential mechanisms, we find that women mayors actively work to combat VAW, appoint more women to leadership and support roles, and expand specialized services for crime victims. These findings suggest that women’s representation in local politics may be an important factor in advancing women’s safety.
This chapter analyzes how representations of Mexico and Mexican-descent people have been used as foils for rendering whiteness as Americanness. Exploring literary, musical, and cinematic representations of Latinx people, this chapter examines four critical US cultural tropes of Mexico, Mexicans, and Mexican Americans (and Latin America and Latinxs more broadly): the greaser, the sexy señorita, the Mexican Problem, and the infernal paradise. Together these tropes and others work to fashion white American masculinity as heroic and desirable; white American womanhood as pure, good, and in need of protection; the United States as a beacon of equality and justice; and its whiteness as under threat of invasion. Through these tropes and their racial logics, the chapter exposes how ideas about whiteness and Americanness are coterminous.
Distinguishing between Stomylotrema bijugum and S. vicarium is challenging due to their phenotypic plasticity. In this study, adult specimens were recovered from 9 host species in the Mexican tropical lowlands. To explore the morphological differences, 32 morphological characteristics were evaluated in 54 specimens. Linear discriminant analysis provided enough evidence to differentiate the 2 species. Additionally, a principal component analysis (PCA) was performed for each species. The PCA of S. bijugum revealed 3 groups separately corresponding to specimens from the 3 hosts, suggesting host-induced phenotypic plasticity, whereas the PCA of S. vicarium revealed that the specimens from 3 host species were clustered together, indicating morphometric homogeneity. To confirm the morphological differences between the 2 species of Stomylotrema, we sequenced 2 molecular markers: the D1–D3 domains of the large subunit (LSU) from nuclear DNA and nicotinamide adenine dinucleotide dehydrogenase subunit 1 (Nad1) from mitochondrial DNA. Sequences of the LSU were aligned and compared with the LSU sequences of other congeneric species available in GenBank. Phylogenetic analyses supported the monophyly of Stomylotrema, with 2 main subclades that corresponded to S. bijugum and S. vicarium. A haplotype network was predicted with 25 Nad1 sequences, revealing the presence of 2 clusters representing the 2 species separated from each other by 98 substitutions. The current studies on S. bijugum and S. vicarium revealed new hosts and geographical regions in the Americas, suggesting that both species addressed in the current study can complete their life cycle in the Neotropical region of Mexico.
The Introduction presents the central ideas of the book. The major theme is acculturation. Dominant forms of ethnohistory discuss Native peoples of the Americas and the ways they responded to Spanish political domination. This book reverses the approach by analyzing how non-Native women adapted to their predominantly Native Mesoamerican cultural environment. Witchcraft and sorcery and their suppression by inquisitions and ecclesiastical courts represent the particular entry point for understanding these processes of acculturation. Non-Native women in this book were Spanish, Canarian, North African, Basque, and Senegambian. They adopted Mesoamerican rituals, such as corn hurling (tlapohualiztli), Nahua healing and midwifery, and peyote consumption, and spoke Nahuatl in everyday lives. Nahuatl loanwords in Spanish, such as metate, tianguis, and patle, symbolize the processes of acculturation. This book studies the earliest forms of non-Native women adapting Mesoamerican sorcery, magic, and healing, limited to the period 1521–71.
This chapter analyses Latin American trade policy trends from post-2008 to 2018 and offers in-depth case studies of Brazil and Mexico. At both aggregate and more detailed levels of analysis we document the significant rise in protectionism, and non-tariff measures (NTMs) in particular, in the decade following the 2008–2009 Global Financial Crisis. We focus on the preferential trade agreements (PTAs) that govern Mexico’s trade under the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and Brazil’s trade in the context of the Southern Cone Common Market (MERCOSUR). We report two main findings regarding Latin American trade and commercial policy trends in the 21st century. First, PTAs – long considered as key trade and investment-creating conduits – are now emerging as venues within which NTMs (e.g., non-transparent interventions, import bans, licensing requirements, controls on safety standards) are simultaneously increasing. That is, members within the same scheme are deploying NTMs against each other. The good news is that membership in these PTAs has mitigated some intra-bloc protectionism, albeit against a backdrop of rising NTMs within these PTAs, nonetheless. Second, the rapid trade and investment integration of China into Latin America markets since 2002 has directly shaped trade policy patterns and responses in this region. In the end, neither Brazil nor Mexico has risen to the occasion in terms of generating a pro-growth trade strategy that delivers compelling distributional and productive returns. Some of these shortcomings are due to path dependence within each PTA, as policymakers in both countries have failed to update approaches that have clearly failed to deliver over time. Outside of these PTAs, the stale macroeconomic response of each country to dynamic and competitive challenges emanating from the global economy risks an extenuation of long-term patterns of political and economic underperformance.
In an era of fragmented global production and domestic decentralization, middle-income countries confront the complex challenge of industrial upgrading. While national governments remain central to industrial policy design and funding, upgrading unfolds through multi-level interactions between state and business actors across international, national, and subnational spheres. This raises a critical question: How do local political-economic coalitions between firms and governments shape the implementation of national industrial policies and leverage them for upgrading?
This paper moves beyond the predominantly national-level analysis of industrial policy, which often treats implementation as straightforward. Instead, it presents a novel theoretical framework that emphasizes how the interplay of executive leadership, business cohesion, and bureaucratic quality fundamentally shapes industrial upgrading outcomes in today’s globalized, decentralized economy. The framework is tested and refined through a longitudinal comparative study of a key technology sector industrial policy (Prosoft) in two Mexican states - Nuevo León and Puebla - from 2000 to 2015. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders and secondary sources, the analysis demonstrates how distinct regional state-business configurations critically influence both policy implementation and upgrading trajectories.
This book tells the stories of women from Spain, North Africa, Senegambia, and Canaries accused of sorcery in sixteenth-century Mexico for adapting native magic and healing practices. These non-native women – the mulata of Seville who cured the evil eye; the Canarian daughter of a Count who ate peyote and mixed her bath water into a man's mustard supply; the wife of a Spanish conquistador who let her hair loose and chanted to a Mesoamerican god while sweeping at midnight; the wealthy Basque woman with a tattoo of a red devil; and many others – routinely adapted Native ritual into hybrid magic and cosmology. Through a radical rethinking of colonial knowledge, Martin Austin Nesvig uncovers a world previously left in the shadows of historical writing, revealing a fascinating and vibrant multi-ethnic community of witches, midwives, and healers.
In proposing industrial policies to promote development-enhancing upgrading, both the Middle-Income Trap (MIT) and Global Value Chain (GVC) literatures imply a “technocratic” approach that matches a given technical challenge to the right policy instrument. This paper suggests that, apart from the technical demands of the problem at-hand, it is also necessary to observe how governments at the subnational level practice path-dependent “sticky” styles of industrial policy that consistently favor some policy tools and approaches over others. Drawing upon four industry cases in the Mexican states of Jalisco (electronics, and information and communication technologies) and Querétaro (automotive and aerospace), we identify two distinct local industrial policy styles, as the former state deployed a Business-guided style while the latter relied upon a State-guided alternative. These styles, in turn, were each biased towards some forms of upgrading over others, leading to two main conclusions: first, that local policy styles must be taken into account to understand how deviations from technocratic policy selection appear. And second, that these styles can generate long-term impacts on the kinds of industrial upgrading observed.
This chapter examines the implications of mapping Latinx theater history through a singular narrative of race and cultural resistance. Scholars have written the history of Latinx theater as the story of minoritarian struggles for representation against the dominant white gaze since the 1960s. I assess how the narrative of overcoming racial oppression has taken a decidedly romantic form since it tells the story of how Latinx communities move from oppression toward an emancipatory future, and how, in turn, this romance’s linear temporal plot defines Latinidad as brown and as antithetical to whiteness. The “romance of Latinidad,” I argue, has served generations of Latinxs artists to craft an aesthetic and a cultural politics of resistance. However, the story of brown resistance consolidates a post-1960s brown/white racial binary that erases non-brown Latinxs from Latinx theater history. After tracing the generations of artists included in the resistance narrative, the chapter turns to Latinidad’s pre-1960s past and discusses the biography and racial ideologies of Josefina Niggli (1910–83), the Mexican American playwright whose whiteness and folkloric representations of Mexicans trouble the romance of brown resistance. Indeed, the analysis seeks to account for Latinidad’s antiracist possibilities by reckoning with Latinx theater’s collusions with racism.
Atrocity crimes and grand corruption: the chapter argues that adopting a “corruption lens” is useful to characterize and understand patterns of crimes against humanity, especially whether acts are widespread or systematic, whether there is a state or organizational policy, how high-ranking actors are tied to crimes by subordinates (“modes of liability”) and whether specific acts constitute crimes under the ICC’s Rome Statute. The chapter uses examples from Mexico and Venezuela to illustrate.
The Tertiary Sierra La Vasca intrusive complex of the Mexican Eastern Alkaline Province consists of diverse alkaline-to-peralkaline granitoids and syenites and is a rare example of silica oversaturated peralkaline magmatism characterized by eudialyte. The intrusion of these peralkaline rocks into Cretaceous carbonate country rocks resulted in the development of a unique cuspidine, Zr-bearing cuspidine, hiortdahlite and wollastonite exoskarn. This study is focussed on a eudialyte-bearing vein and accompanying banded exoskarn which illustrates the unusual skarn-forming metasomatic effects of Zr mobilization. The skarn consists of six mineralogically distinct zones: (1) a parental Nb-poor eudialyte-bearing quartz granitoid vein; (2) a region of eudialyte pseudomorphed by intergrown Zr-sorosilicates; (3) an andradite–cuspidine–hiortdahlite–wöhlerite zone; (4) a zone of skeletal-to-prismatic cuspidine plus wollastonite which is transitional to zone (5); a coarser grained and heterogeneous zone consisting of complex intergrowths of tabular and prismatic cuspidine–hiortdahlite solid solutions, wollastonite, fluorite, apatite and rare calcite; (6) a contact calcite marble lacking any metasomatic silicates, phosphates or fluorite. Skarn formation was the result of alteration of eudialyte and separation of Si-rich hydrothermal fluids with high F/H2O ratios from the parental Si-oversaturated peralkaline magma and subsequent infiltration of Si–Zr–REE–P-bearing fluids into the country rock carbonates. Zircon was probably transported as Zr-fluoride and chloride complexes and the acidic fluids reacted with calcite to form cuspidine–hiortdahlite solid solutions and wollastonite as the principal skarn minerals. All of the Si required to form this unique skarn assemblage was derived from the hydrothermal fluids as the country rocks do not contain Si-bearing minerals. Skarn formation is considered to have occurred at temperatures below 500°C.
This chapter considers access to courts for victims of grand corruption, especially in Latin America. It explains the origins and meaning of victim compensation in the UNCAC, how “victim” is defined in human rights law, and uses the Honduran Gualcarque River case to introduce how courts are beginning to apply concepts from human rights law to cases involving victims of grand corruption. It divides these cases into “direct harm” suffered by individual or group victims, and cases involving broad or diffuse harm where victims as a class are represented by civil society organizations. It looks briefly at which civil society organizations should be able to represent victims in proceedings.