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The suboptimal size of municipalities is often a challenge for service delivery due to scale limitations. Intermunicipal cooperation (IMC) has expanded as an alternative to top-down amalgamations, offering a more flexible and typically voluntary approach. Many studies have been devoted to understanding the driving factors of IMC, providing static empirical evidence on the characteristics of cooperating municipalities. This article contributes to the literature with a dynamic analysis of the drivers of cooperation, using a Cox proportional hazards model over a long period and a very large sample of municipalities in Catalonia. This dynamic analysis unravels the direction of the causal relationship in complex relationships such as fiscal restrictions or political legitimation with cooperation. Furthermore, as we have data from eight relevant local services, we improve both the theoretical and empirical analysis of cooperation dynamics based on the characteristics of the services.
Citizen participation and empowerment are high on the political agenda of Western European welfare states. They are often pursued through processes of decentralisation with an appeal to ‘place-based’ working. Existing research focuses on citizen experiences or policymaker motivations, neglecting the perspectives of (municipal) public servants as mediators. Using an ethics of care framework, we examine the concept of ‘privileged irresponsibility’ within the context of local decision-making processes to help us understand how public servants negotiate local initiative within the spaces of local decision-making. Drawing on semi-structured in-depth interviews with twenty-three municipal public servants and managers, we show that they frequently experience an absence of care and eschew joint responsibility for concerns voiced by citizens. We show how ‘privileged irresponsibility’ depends on invisibility and normativity and is the outcome of local political relations and institutional pressures. ‘Tokenist’ forms of participation make it difficult for municipal public servants to take up ‘caring’ responsibilities towards citizens, with effects on their job satisfaction.
This article contributes to the ongoing debate on populist radical-right parties in power and illiberalism, focusing on the Italian League and its welfare chauvinist agenda. It consists of ethnographic research conducted in a medium-sized city located in one of the party’s electoral strongholds. During its term in municipal office, the party changed the regulation on school services (buses and canteens), requiring non-EU families to present additional documentation in order to access reduced charges. The ‘canteens affair’ provoked the exclusion of immigrant children from the services, a strong mobilization of local civil society, an echo in the international media and a legal dispute between a civic committee and the League’s administration. Starting from this specific case, the article sheds new empirical light on the illiberal turn of Western democratic systems, understood as the progressive erosion of liberal-democratic principles of universalism and equality.
While existing research on policy diffusion has provided substantial evidence regarding the drivers of policy adoption across jurisdictions, limited attention has been given to the dynamics of policy textual learning across different levels of government. We fill this gap by using regression analysis to examine the patterns of policy textual learning evident in the clause similarity of seven environmental statutory policies in China. Within China’s decentralized and multilevel environmental governance, our findings reveal that horizontal policy textual learning is more prominent than vertical learning. Temporal distance negatively impacts policy textual learning, whereas spatial distance, contrary to traditional policy diffusion perspectives, does not universally explain multilevel policy textual learning. Additionally, subsequent versions of policy texts are not necessarily similar to earlier ones, challenging conventional assumptions about the adoption and adaptation of policies over time.
Municipalities deflect demands for benefits instead of meeting them or denying them outright to resist and undermine elements of the central government’s urbanization strategy. This diffuse promise of phantom services operates at what is experienced by local officials and migrants as the person-by-person micro-level of provision. Urban authorities sometimes do so by establishing nearly impossible eligibility requirements or requiring paperwork that outsiders struggle to obtain. At times they also nudge migrants to seek health care or education elsewhere by enforcing dormant rules or by shutting down a locally available service provider. Local officials use these ploys for both political and practical reasons. Limiting access isolates and disempowers migrants and is cheaper than offering benefits. Phantom services are a consequence of the localization of the household registration system and a sign that new axes of inequality and gradations of second-class citizenship have emerged.
Local politics are dominated by older residents, who vote and participate at rates very disproportionate to their share of the population. At the same time, local government has been assigned responsibility for functions featuring inherent generational divides: most pointedly, public education, but also infrastructure development and land use regulation. This combination raises concerns about democratic distortion and local government’s continued ability to invest in the future. If predictions of substantially longer lifespans come true, these concerns about the local political economy will only be heightened. This chapter identifies this tension and reviews how local governments currently manage age-based political conflict. It then describes the limitations of these mechanisms and offers a schematic for the strategies that local governments will have to adopt as they navigate the fault lines of age moving forward: by better aligning the preferences of older and younger residents, by equalizing patterns of political participation, or by reassigning functions that implicate age away from the local level.
There are two barriers to realizing the promise of the 100-year life in the US. The first is that few get to live it: unlike peers in other high-income countries, the life expectancy of Americans is short. Paradoxically, however, boosting American longevity would aggravate a second problem: on important dimensions, Americans enjoy less independence in old age than their peers. These problems have something perhaps unexpected in common: a built environment that requires driving as the price of first-class citizenship. That bargain, a legacy of twentieth-century transportation and land use policy, first lops years off of life expectancy by claiming lives at disproportionately young ages and then saps independence and quality of life among the small share of Americans who are fortunate to reach very old age. This chapter proposes two solutions. First, it urges road safety interventions that maximize life expectancy and thus expand the promise of the 100-year life. Second, it develops a variant on the classic Tiebout model of residential sorting that applies the concept more narrowly to enable retirees to thrive (transportation-based “gray Tiebout sorting”). It details the instrumental promise of such a market and its potential for broad spillover benefits.
This article examines the problems associated with the fact that Japanese nuclear power plants have multiple reactors within one plant and are concentrated in specific regions. It analyzes the situation from international, domestic, and local perspectives, revealing features of Japanese state-local relations.
Because the South Dakota Rural Attorney Recruitment Program requires local governments to partially fund the stipend, rural lawyers had to seek permission from local governments. This chapter focuses on the process of getting local government approval and actually moving to town, including how lawyers obtained housing and office space.
The danger to democratic norms aside, this chapter demonstrates that state government is also a needless source of additional regulation, additional taxation, and inefficient duplication of functions – in short, a waste of taxpayer money and a pointless burden on the citizenry. Yet, many of the specific functions currently performed by state governments are essential. The abolition of state government would therefore require the redistribution of those necessary functions between the national government and the local governments. This chapter demonstrates that such a redistribution would be administratively workable. To show this, it formulates general criteria for deciding which functions should go where and offers illustrations of how those criteria might be applied to specific functions in practice.
Reimagining the American Union challenges readers to imagine an America without state government. No longer a union of arbitrarily constructed states, the country would become a union of its people. The first book ever to argue for abolishing state government in the US, it exposes state government as the root cause of the gravest threats to American democracy. Some of those threats are baked into the Constitution; others are the product of state legislatures abusing their already-constitutionally-outsized powers through gerrymanders, voter suppression schemes, and other less-publicized manipulations that all too often purposefully target African-American and other minority voters. Reimagining the American Union goes on to demonstrate how having three levels of legislative bodies (national, state, and local) – and three levels of taxation, bureaucracy, and regulation – wastes taxpayer money and pointlessly burdens the citizenry. Two levels of government – national and local – would do just fine. After debunking the offsetting benefits typically claimed for state government, the book concludes with a portrait of what a new, unitary American republic might look like.
How should a democratic assembly be designed to attract large and diverse groups of citizens? We addressed this question by conducting a population survey in three communities with institutionalized participatory deliberative democracy in Switzerland. To examine participatory disposition in light of both individual characteristics and design features of the assembly that citizens contemplate joining, the survey comprised a conjoint experiment in which each respondent was asked to indicate his or her likelihood of participating in democratic assemblies with varying design features. The main result is that design features emphasizing the communitarian character of the assembly increase citizens’ willingness to participate, especially among disengaged citizens. Moreover, citizens were found to be less attracted by both very consensual and very adversarial meeting styles. Rather, we found meeting styles combining both controversy and consensus to be most favorable to assembly turnout. The implication is that practitioners of participatory or deliberative democracy must engage in community-building to foster turnout and inclusiveness in democratic assemblies.
This chapter is about how police officers engage with sex workers when they are not enforcing anti-prostitution laws against them. By focusing their enforcement efforts on low-tier sex workers, the police help create a space for the middle tier of China’s sex industry – entertainment venues and their hostesses—to thrive. I find that law enforcement officers engage actively and in myriad ways with the sex industry when they are not focused on arresting sex workers. Some of their actions are purely extractive interactions. Yet other police behavior, while still self-serving, also benefits sex workers. Making sense of police actions in this context requires shifting our framework from exclusively viewing police as powerful figures in relation to sex workers to also viewing them as street-level bureaucrats who are accountable to the local government and the vast police bureaucracy of which they are at the forefront. This approach provides a different perspective on police officers, underscoring their weakness within China’s bureaucratic system rather than their strength in relation to the sex workers. Their vulnerability vis-à-vis the state even affects how they engage with sex workers and underscores conditions under which the job security of frontline police officers in fact depends on a cooperative local sex industry.
Following the growing interest in using behavioral theory and choice architecture in the public sector, several new studies have looked at how changes in the choice architecture of budget simulations influence the participants’ budgetary decisions. These studies have also introduced the possible problem that participants may make inappropriate choices in the budget simulation, like creating a budget with unacceptably high budget surpluses. Building on Thaler and Sunstein’s NUDGES framework, we seek to answer the question, ‘How can budgetary choice architects correct for errors such as large ending surpluses at the end of the budget simulation?’ We replicate earlier results on budget starting conditions. Additionally, we test a budget treatment that encourages participants to reduce ending budget surpluses. The budget treatment works as intended and suggests that the large ending budget surpluses stem from errors made by participants in the simulation rather than loss aversion. The need to both nudge and budge participants is important for practicing choice architects, like public budgeters who have to design and implement tools that inform citizens and reveal accurate preferences that conform with legal requirements.
The chapter examines the role of forced displacement in increasing the demand for state intervention and expanding the size of the state bureaucracy in West Germany. It discusses the government elites’ strategies for dealing with the needs of expellees and receiving communities and reviews expellees’ ability to influence government policy. Statistical analysis is used to demonstrate that counties with a greater proportion of expellees to population had more civil servants per capita.
Policy with concentrated costs often faces intense localized opposition. Both private and governmental actors frequently use financial compensation to attempt to overcome this opposition. We measure how effective such compensation is for winning policy support in the arena of housing development. We build a novel survey platform that shows respondents images of their self-reported neighborhood with hypothetical renderings of new housing superimposed on existing structures. Using a sample of nearly 600 Bostonians, we find that compensating residents increases their support for nearby market-rate housing construction. However, compensation does not influence support for affordable housing. We theorize that the inclusion of affordable housing activates symbolic attitudes, decreasing the importance of financial self-interest and thus the effectiveness of compensation. Our findings suggest greater interaction between self-interest and symbolic politics within policy design than previously asserted. Together, this research signals opportunities for coalition building by policy entrepreneurs when facing opposition due to concentrated costs.
Local governments have an important role to play in creating healthy, equitable and environmentally sustainable food systems. This study aimed to develop and pilot a tool and process for local governments in Australia to benchmark their policies for creating healthy, equitable and environmentally sustainable food systems.
Design:
The Healthy Food Environment Policy Index (Food-EPI), developed in 2013 for national governments, was tailored to develop the Local Food Systems Policy Index (Local Food-EPI+) tool for local governments. To incorporate environmental sustainability and the local government context, this process involved a literature review and collaboration with an international and domestic expert advisory committee (n 35) and local government officials.
Setting:
Local governments.
Results:
The tool consists of sixty-one indicators across ten food policy domains (weighted based on relative importance): leadership; governance; funding and resources; monitoring and intelligence; food production and supply chain; food promotion; food provision and retail in public facilities and spaces; supermarkets and food sources in the community; food waste reuse, redistribution and reduction; and support for communities. Pilot implementation of the tool in one local government demonstrated that the assessment process was feasible and likely to be helpful in guiding policy implementation.
Conclusion:
The Local Food-EPI+ tool and assessment process offer a comprehensive mechanism to assist local governments in benchmarking their actions to improve the healthiness, equity and environmental sustainability of food systems and prioritise action areas. Broad use of this tool will identify and promote leading practices, increase accountability for action and build capacity and collaborations.
In 2020, Japan’s Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare developed an Excel workbook entitled “Simple Simulator for calculating nutritional food stocks in preparation for large-scale disasters.” In September 2021, it was modified as the “Revised Simulator” to plan food stockpiles in normal times and post-disaster meals. This study aimed to further improve the Revised Simulator.
Methods:
Eight group interviews were conducted with 12 public health dietitians, 9 disaster management officers, and 2 public health nurses from September to November 2021. They provided nutritional support during previous disasters or prepared for predicted future disasters. Qualitative analysis was conducted on interview transcriptions, then the Revised Simulator was improved based on their feedback.
Results:
The Revised Simulator was improved to the “Simulator for calculating nutritional food stocks and meals for large-scale disasters” with significant changes such as adding specific tags in the food list to denote long shelf life and elderly-friendly foods, as well as displaying bar graphs to visualize the required and supplied amounts of energy and nutrients.
Conclusions:
The Revised Simulator was upgraded for planning and assessing stockpiles and meals in ordinary conditions and emergencies. This study will contribute to enhancing the quality and quantity of food supplies during disasters.
This chapter seeks to debunk the myth that rural disadvantage does not exist, or is unworthy of investigation, because rural populations hold disproportionate political power. Noting other scholars’ efforts to challenge common assumptions regarding rural voters’ inordinate power in legislatures and the Electoral College, the chapter takes an alternate approach by exploring widespread challenges rural local governments have encountered in the face of economic transformation over the past several decades, which, for some regions, has come with regional depopulation, high rates of property vacancy, broad socioeconomic distress, and strains on municipal and county budgets. Officials in distressed local governments often struggle to provide even the basic services needed to keep a community afloat, such as enforcement of the building code. Rural local governments’ struggles challenge the stereotype of the overly empowered, enraged, conservative rural voter holding the rest of the country hostage to his political whims. The story this chapter tells is one of a shrinking public sphere, the limits of law’s efficacy in places with few resources, the role property plays in regional prosperity, local efforts to work with little to achieve what they can, and the national abandonment of places no longer deemed useful for extractive purposes.
South African municipalities are entrusted to perform various functions, including providing basic services to communities. Recently, the auditor-general has raised concern about municipalities’ overall functionality and ability to fulfil their obligations. Municipalities’ service delivery failures have led to disputes between them and their communities. Moreover, South African courts have drawn attention to the impact of service delivery failures and described their catastrophic and devastating effects on communities and their local economies. In addition, it is said that the consequences of these municipal failures are more severe for the communities than any other stakeholder. For this reason, communities require legal options to resolve such disputes. This article puts forward two legal options (and potentially a third) to which communities can turn. The article examines mediation and structural interdicts and argues why these options are suitable methods for resolving disputes between a community and its municipality.