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This chapter considers how, with animals recognised as a part of nature, legally enshrined ‘rights of nature’ could provide a basis for animals’ legal subjecthood. The chapter centres on the case of Estrellita, an Ecuadorean woolly monkey who was declared to be a subject of rights under Ecuador’s constitutionally enshrined rights of ‘pachamama’ or ‘Mother Earth’. Yet, while Estrellita’s case highlights the potential for rights of nature to serve as a source of animals’ legal subjectivity, the chapter stresses caution. First, several rights-of-nature provisions have arguably co-opted Indigenous ideas, and served to justify continued resource extraction under the guise of living in balance with nature. Second, rights-of-nature provisions maintain the ontological human/all-other-nature divide that exists in current legal systems. Finally, the rights of nature may operate as a kind of ‘eco-coverture’ by encapsulating the interests of individual animals within the sphere of nature’s interests, thereby limiting the potential scope of animals’ legal protection. The chapter concludes that we can do better than grounding animals’ legal subjecthood in the rights of nature.
Chapter 8 examines the failed struggle for democracy in Bolivia, Ecuador, and Paraguay during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. In contrast to the other South American countries, Bolivia, Ecuador, and Paraguay made relatively little progress in professionalizing their armies in the early twentieth century and were not able to establish a monopoly on violence. As a result, the opposition, especially in Paraguay and Ecuador, continued to seek power via armed revolt, which undermined constitutional rule and encouraged state repression. The weakness of parties in Bolivia and Ecuador also enabled presidents to manipulate elections, resist democratic reforms, and run roughshod over the opposition.
The legal systems of countries as dissimilar as Ecuador, Bolivia, New Zealand, the United States, and Uganda have recognized nature as a subject of rights. This chapter contributes to the description, analysis, and comparison of the global discursive patterns that convey and underpin the rights of nature from the perspectives of comparative law and global legal pluralism. The first part of the chapter examines three types of discourse related to rights of nature: the prototypical models, discourses that reproduce the paradigmatic models, and discourses that resist the rights of nature. The second part analyzes rights of nature from two perspectives that are central to contemporary comparative law: the political economy of legal knowledge and explanatory theories of legal change. Rights of nature challenge conventional notions of which countries create and exchange legal knowledge. They have been articulated by historically weak or marginalized countries or peoples, and they have been incorporated in national legal systems through heterodox processes of South–South and South–North exchange.
Este texto tiene un carácter exploratorio a partir de la experiencia etnográfica del levantamiento indígena y popular que paralizó Ecuador en el mes de junio de 2022. Con epicentro en Quito, la capital del país, dicha movilización fue la más larga de todas las que ha protagonizado el movimiento indígena ecuatoriano desde la década de 1990. El artículo reflexiona sobre las características de esta última protesta; señala sus diferencias con respecto a las movilizaciones de los años noventa y de los primeros años de este siglo XXI; y plantea algunas hipótesis sobre la nueva generación de líderes que están al frente de la organización indígena más importante del país, la CONAIE (Confederación de Nacionalidades Indígenas del Ecuador). El argumento principal que se explora es que la adopción de discursos y repertorios de protesta más orientados hacia una dimensión clasista que hacia una puramente etnoidentitaria ha sido la clave en la mayor capacidad de convocatoria del movimiento. Esto se reflejó en el masivo respaldo al llamado de la CONAIE contra las medidas neoliberales adoptadas por el Gobierno nacional.
Official Ecuadorian gross domestic product (GDP) data begin in 1950. Prior, only preliminary estimates were available, based on very scattered evidence and broad assumptions. In this paper, we estimate new GDP figures for Ecuador for 1900–50. These are based on the quantitative and qualitative information available for the period, using extensive primary and secondary sources. The new data series allows analysing Ecuador’s economic growth and structural change and comparing them to industrialised core countries and other countries in the region. Unlike previous estimates, our series shows a sustained divergence of Ecuador from the core countries during the first half of the 20th century.
Neurocysticercosis (NCC) is a neglected parasitic disease that causes neurological symptoms. However, little is known about the long-term impact of this infection on health. We contacted participants from a randomized controlled trial on albendazole treatment for NCC in Ecuador 12 years after trial completion (14–16 years after NCC diagnosis) about their long-term health. We described the symptoms experienced post-trial and investigated if albendazole treatment, the presence of calcified NC cysts, and cysts in extraparenchymal locations at last imaging predicted symptoms. All analyses were standardized by adjusting for participant age and sex. In the 12 years post-trial, 52.1% reported some health problem, with 48.9% reporting neurological symptoms such as seizures (16.6% of participants) and headaches (26.6% of participants). At the end of the trial, 11 participants had complete NCC cyst resolution, of whom 3 (27.3%) reported seizures and 1 (9.1%) reported headaches post-trial. Twenty-four participants had only calcified cysts (residual calcification sometimes left after the parasite dies) by trial end, of whom 8 (33.3%) reported seizures and 9 (37.5%) headaches post-trial. None of the predictors examined were significantly associated with long-term symptoms. A high proportion of people diagnosed with NCC continue experiencing symptoms years after treatment, and while slightly fewer people experienced continued symptoms in the albendazole group, the difference was not statistically significant. Eleven participants with no live parasites at last imaging (8 with residual calcifications) had seizures post-trial, which may be unprovoked and an indication of epilepsy risk. Research is urgently needed to improve NCC treatment to mitigate long-term outcomes.
Neurocysticercosis is a poorly understood infection of the central nervous system with Taenia solium larva, and the treatment often fails to kill all the parasitic larva. Most research on this infection has used patient-level data, looking at summaries of the encysted parasitic cysticercus burden. Cyst-level analysis is needed to identify factors that impact individual cyst trajectories and how that may vary based on characteristics of the patient, infection and cyst being followed. We disaggregated data on 221 cysts from 117 patients who participated in a trial evaluating the impact of albendazole treatment to identify factors that impact cyst evolution over time from the active to the degenerating and calcified phases, and eventual resolution. We found that having calcified cysts at baseline was associated with a faster rate of transition from the degenerative phase to calcified phase or resolution. Age and sex were not associated with cyst evolution in the main effect analysis, but after stratifying on treatment we found that the direction of some associations by patient age and sex was reversed for patients in the albendazole arm compared to those in the placebo arm. These findings suggest that differences in host immune response by sex and age as well as by past exposure, potentially indicated by having calcified cysts together with active cysts at baseline, are important to cyst evolution and may be modified by treatment. Future research is needed to assess if these differences suggest distinct treatment recommendations.
Burial 10 is a unique Manteño (AD 650–1532) burial from Buen Suceso, Ecuador, dating between AD 771 and 953. This burial included the remains of a young female, pregnant at the time of death and buried with an elaborate array of goods, including anachronistic spondylus ornaments, green stones, and shell eye coverings. Perimortem trauma, including a cranial fracture and cutmarks on hand bones, perimortem removal of the hands and left leg, and other body manipulation suggest she was sacrificed, a rare event for coastal Ecuadorian peoples.
Much scholarly attention has been paid to how great powers have used development finance as a tool for projecting power and shaping the international order, with less given to how smaller countries navigate these dynamics. This article investigates the conditions under which Latin American countries borrow from institutions led by the declining hegemon, the United States, or the rising power, China. Specifically, it uses mixed methods to analyze 518 loans from the World Bank and Chinese banks, and interviews with policymakers in Ecuador to highlight the mechanisms of decisions, outline interactions between different factors, and identify factors that cannot be readily tested statistically. Results show that countries are diversifying their development finance between the two great powers, motivated by domestic political considerations such as party ideology and economic development priorities, as well as by international structures including the balance of power and the borrowing country’s foreign policy alignment with the United States.
In this chapter I consider two controversies over the taxation of urban land at the twilight of Ecuador’s Citizen’s Revolution. The first is the campaign by the Pueblo Kitu Kara, an organisation representing Indigenous peoples in Quito, for recognition of communal property and territory, together with its constitutionally guaranteed freedom from taxation. The second was a highly controversial (and short-lived) tax on capital gains from real estate, promoted by the post-neoliberal president Rafael Correa as a counter to speculation, corruption, and unearned gains from the land market. Taken together, these conflicts illustrate the historically limited reach of hegemonic processes of state formation in Ecuador, and how those limits also open up opportunities for introducing and (sometimes) sustaining institutions distinct from the normative forms of the capitalist state, even as they present marked political challenges for transformative state projects. The trajectory of both controversies also highlights the contradictions and dangers of a top-down and technocratic approach to social and economic transformation in a polity shaped by profound inequalities of class and coloniality.
Chapter three is dedicated to the tradition of the apotheosis in the Andes. It opens with the context of the Inca Empire and the civil war between Atahualpa and Huascar, and a summary of Spanish penetration from 1532. There follows a fictive reconstruction of dialogue between the Inca ruler Atahualpa and his counsellors. The chapter then analyzes the Andean identification of the Spaniards with the god Viracocha, and considers evidence that there are no references at all to the Spaniards as gods, or as associated with Viracocha, from the period of first contact with Andean peoples. There follows discussion of misunderstanding about Viracocha as a creator god. The chapter moves on to analyze two key concepts of Andean thought, camac (“life force”), and huaca/wak’a (“being with transcendent power”) and explores how Andeans used the history of huacas to interpret the Spanish invasion. To call the Spaniards Viracochas did not mean that they were gods in the European sense; rather, it was a way of linking them to the Andean past and the Andean worldview.
Ecuador is a key area in South America when it comes to understanding the economic, social and archaeological aspects of pre-Hispanic cultures in the northwestern region of the Andes. Among the most complex societies to have inhabited this territory is the so-called Manteño culture (AD ∼800–1530), which spanned across most of Ecuador’s central Pacific coast. Ongoing research at the site of Ligüiqui (Manta, Manabí) has enabled us to obtain a more complete overview of the chronological sequence of the Manteño period as well as contributing further data on the advanced stage of social development reached during the period; characterized by the hierarchical arrangement of sites, the use of extensive settlement models, and semi-circular stone fish traps (corrales). In order to understand the role played by this coastal site in the complex Manteño culture, a detailed radiocarbon study was performed in the sequence of the Ligüiqui site. In addition, using a detailed review of available Manteño settlement radiocarbon data (13 sites and 64 dates), we established a chronostratigraphic framework for the culture. Our data indicate that Ligüiqui probably acted as a supply centre for marine-origin products from the twelfth century onwards with activity peaking during the Late Manteño period. A multisite comparison using Bayesian modeling indicates an early onset of the Manteño culture in Ligüiqui around AD 700, and a general demise in most of the sites AD ∼1500 or slightly before. This culture finally collapsed before AD ∼1600 during the early Spanish colonial period. Only one site, La Libertad, shows potential evidence of having remained a Manteño settlement after that date.
This chapter empirically tests the theory about the micro-foundations of electoral support for new parties. It analyzes how individual voters respond to appeals based on different mobilization strategies in discrete choice experiments conducted in Bolivia and Ecuador. These experiments present voters with campaign posters that closely resemble real-world posters; the results illustrate that organizational endorsements are very effective at mobilizing electoral support, especially for new parties. Such endorsements are also effective across several different types of organizations and can sway organization members as well as people in their wider social networks. Furthermore, endorsements can influence voters even when they provide no direct information about policy platforms; unlike organization members, sympathetic nonmembers do not follow the endorsements. It also shows that endorsements can even overcome ethnic cleavages and foster electoral support when candidates’ policy positions are at odds with voters’ preferences.
This chapter further tests the argument about how the experiences during a party’s founding moments shape which mobilization strategies the party adopts through a paired comparison with a new party that did not experience moments of solidarity with its organizational allies. Alianza PAIS was founded in Ecuador during a period of mass mobilization similar to the one in Bolivia and initially could rely on a broad coalition of powerful societal organizations – representing sectors similar to those in the founding coalition of the MAS. However, as this chapter shows, drawing on extensive interviews with early party leaders and organizational representatives, Alianza PAIS leaders had little trust in their organizational allies due to a lack of experience during the party’s founding moments. This made them hesitant to adopt internal rules and mechanisms that would institutionalize their tie with their organizational allies. Instead, ties remained instrumental and largely broke down when policy disagreements between the party leadership and its organizational allies arose. As a result, Alianza PAIS could not rely on organizationally mediated appeals and had to primarily use direct appeals.
This chapter explores the resulting party identification in the three cases. Drawing on original and existing survey data, it shows that membership in organizations that regularly support a new party is strongly associated with whether a voter develops an attachment to the party. Further analysis of the poster experiments suggests that the frequency of attending organization meetings is associated with the robustness of the attachment. Additional analyses of the natural experiment reveal that repeated organizational expressions of support over multiple years help new parties gain new followers. It then compares and contrasts this organizationally mediated path to partisanship (organizational cultivation), which can account for the development of robust partisan attachments to the MAS and MORENA, with an alternative path to partisanship that can yield party identification even for parties without organically linked organizational allies. In the case of Alianza PAIS, which could not rely on organizational cultivation through organically linked organizations, partisan attachments have developed in direct response to voters’ evaluations of the party’s performance.
This article presents an approach to study marronage from the perspective of critical social archaeology, which encompasses the perpetuation of several layers of racial violence endured by the Afro-Ecuadorian population as legacies of slavery and colonialism. Collaborative and community-based projects in the ancestral Afro-Ecuadorian territories of the Chota Valley and Esmeraldas, and in the city of Guayaquil, are a basis for mapping Afro-Ecuadorian resistance strategies in the hacienda, urban, palenque, and border contexts. Marronage, as a response to racial oppression and systemic exploitation, has transformed over time, demonstrating the agency of the Afro-Ecuadorian community against structural violence. Archaeology illuminates the Maroon experience and its legacy in ancestral historical memory by including a critical study of slavery in the household context of plantation settings, identifying the dynamics of oppression and resistance, mapping routes of fugitivity, and examining the networks connecting actions of marronage. This study is an essential step in reconstructing the neglected history of Afro-Ecuadorian resistance and its role in shaping Latin America.
The World Health Organization and the Global Burden of Disease study estimate that almost 800 000 people die from suicide yearly. The role of non-traditional risk factors such as climate and high-altitude exposure are poorly understood.
Aims
This study aims to determine a potential relationship between altitude exposure and suicide rates among 221 cantons located at different altitudes ranging from 0 to 4300 m.
Method
We conducted an 11-year, country-wide, population-based analysis on age- and gender-standardised suicide rates in Ecuador, based on the official data from the National Institute of Statistics, using all available self-harm death codes (ICD-10 codes X60–X84).
Results
A total of 11 280 cases of suicide were reported during 2011–2021. Suicide rates were higher among men (11.48/100 000). In terms of elevation, suicide rates were significantly higher among people from high-altitude cantons (3.7/100 000) versus those from low-altitude cantons. When applying the International Society Mountain Medicine categorisation, suicide rates were significantly higher at moderate- (4.3/100 000), high- (3.6/100 000) and very-high-altitude cantons (4.4/100 000) when compared with low-altitude locations (2.5/100 000).
Conclusions
Ecuador is one of the few countries that has a vast range of cantons located at different altitudes. We found that living at higher elevations is positively associated with greater suicide rates. Although the rates are significantly greater as elevation increases, a clear linear relationship is not apparent, likely because of the interplay of socioeconomic factors, including urbanicity. The effect of chronic hypobaric hypoxia on mood cannot be ruled out, although the existence of causal mechanisms remains to be elucidated.
Este artículo teoriza las relaciones entre la ciudadanía y el Estado ecuatoriano durante el primer año y medio de la pandemia COVID-19. Basado en una metodología cualitativa de entrevistas, las perspectivas de los participantes revelan relaciones contradictorias con el gobierno características de los estados de seguridad neoliberales, pero también de patrones (pos)coloniales persistentes de exclusión racista y clasista: por un lado, un sentido de abandono del Estado, particularmente en salud pública y educación; y por otro lado, la fuerza represiva del Estado en su uso de medidas militares y policiales y de estados de excepción. Proponemos el término estado disperso para referirnos a estas tendencias opuestas de simultánea ausencia y presencia estatal. Argumentamos que las respuestas ciudadanas a la ausencia estatal incluyen cierta aceptación del retorno de las funciones educativas y sanitarias a comunidades, hogares e individuos, provocando de todas maneras nuevas formas de adaptación y creatividad cultural. En cuanto a la presencia represiva del Estado, los participantes expresaron apoyo considerable hacia medidas estatales autoritarias, frecuentemente justificadas por discursos esencialistas sobre el carácter de la ciudadanía nacional.
Fuel subsidies have been an enduring policy in Ecuador’s political and economic history. Given their lack of targeting and high opportunity cost, they have been amply criticized. As of 2017, the Ecuadorian government started a budget consolidation plan that so far has involved seven reforms to subsidies policy in less than seven years. In late 2019, in response to social unrest motivated by a temporal elimination of fuel subsidies, the government pledged to study new targeting mechanisms for this policy to mitigate the impact on the most vulnerable sectors. This work seeks to contribute to that effort by evaluating the macroeconomic effects of these subsidies and serving as a guideline for targeting. A computable general equilibrium model is used to assess counterfactual scenarios. The results suggest that by implementing progressiveness and productive linkage criteria, targeting household final consumption and intermediate consumption is a feasible way to reduce the reforms’ negative effects.
Ecuador has a high prevalence of household food insecurity (HFI) and is undergoing nutritional and epidemiologic transition. Evidence from high-income countries has reported negative or null associations between HFI and physical activity (PA) in children. It remains uncertain whether the same is true of those from low- and middle-income countries like Ecuador whose environmental and socio-demographic characteristics are distinct from those of high-income countries. We aimed to investigate the association of HFI with PA, sedentary behaviour (SB) and anthropometric indicators in children.
Design:
Cross-sectional analysis of data from the nationally representative 2018 Ecuadorian National Health and Nutrition Survey. Data were collected on HFI, PA, SB, socio-demographic characteristics and measured height and weight. Unadjusted and adjusted linear, log-binomial and multinomial logistic regression analyses assessed the relationship of HFI with PA, SB, stunting and BMI-for-age.
Setting:
Ecuador.
Participants:
23 621 children aged 5–17 years.
Results:
Marginal and moderate-severe HFI was prevalent in 24 % and 20 % of the households, respectively. HFI was not associated with PA, SB, stunting nor underweight. Moderate-severe HFI was associated with a lower odds of overweight and obesity. However, adjustment for household assets attenuated this finding for overweight (adjusted OR:0·90, 95 % CI: 0·77, 1·05) and obesity (adjusted OR: 0·88, 95 % CI: 0·71, 1·08).
Conclusion:
HFI is a burden in Ecuadorian households, but is not associated with PA, SB nor anthropometric indicators in children aged 5–17 years. However, a concerning prevalence of insufficient PA was reported, emphasising the critical need for evidence-based interventions aimed at promoting PA and reducing SB.