To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
The time lag between when research is completed and when it is used in clinical practice can be as long as two decades. This chapter considers the dissemination and implementation of research findings. It also explores better ways to make research findings understood and used. On the one hand, we recognize the need to get new research into practice as soon as possible. On the other hand, we challenge the trend toward rapid implementation. When results are put into practice prematurely, patients may suffer unnecessary consequences of insufficiently evaluated interventions. We offer several examples of Nobel Prize winning interventions that had unintentional harmful effects that were unknown when the prize was awarded. To address these problems, we support the need for greater transparency in reporting studies results, open access to clinical research data, and the application of statistical tools such as forest plots and funnel plots that might reveal data irregularities.
It is a widely held view that “nobody knows you better than yourself.” However, the low validity of self-estimates of intelligence and other abilities indicated by a considerable body of research does not support this notion. Individuals overestimate themselves and do so particularly for domains in which they perform poorly (the so-called Dunning-Kruger effect). Interestingly, intelligence estimates given by others are equally accurate or sometimes even more accurate than self-estimates. This chapter provides an overview of research on self- and other-estimates of intelligence and potential moderators of their accuracy. It also aims to bring the research lines on self- and other-estimates of intelligence together within the framework of the self-other knowledge asymmetry (SOKA) model proposed by Simine Vazire. The ability to predict for which intelligence subfactors one of the two perspectives might provide more accurate estimates has implications for both research and practical fields like vocational counseling.
Recommend this
Email your librarian or administrator to recommend adding this to your organisation's collection.