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We explore the limits of conservative reform by unpacking the efforts of bonded labourers in the Cape between 1823 and 1826 to mobilise the Commission of Eastern Inquiry against the elaborate rules that governed the lives of people of colour. Hundreds of unfree people called on the commissioners to complain of systemic and personal abuse – more than any other colonial inquiry. And the commissioners opened their doors, recording unfree testimony and following up on most of the complaints that came before them. In the process, they performed a very important function of commissions everywhere – as emissaries of the king intimately supervising colonial governments and forging connections with new and old imperial subjects. Though they went to extraordinary efforts to follow up bonded complaint, Eastern Inquiry into the Cape failed, until extremely late in the day, to report their findings.
The commission of inquiry into Ceylon (1829–31) which reported after the 1830 general election in England is a significant outlier in the broader story of imperial commissions called during the period of Liverpool’s administration. Changing metropolitan politics had enormous ramifications for the relatively new colonial subjects of Ceylon who, even more so than bonded labourers in the Cape, inundated commissioner Colebrooke with complaints about personal injustice and the failures of British rule. Commissioners Colebrooke and Cameron turned these complaints into a report for the times – the most Benthamite, uncompromising and radical recommendations given anywhere. Tellingly, significant reforms were implemented in Ceylon despite the trenchant opposition of Robert Wilmot Horton, former undersecretary of state in the Colonial Office, who, after Liverpool’s stroke, took it upon himself to hold the conservative line as Governor in Ceylon.
In this chapter, we track the interplay between domestic British politics and empire through the 1823 and 1824 scandals surrounding the deportation of two free businessmen of colour, Louis Celeste Lecesne and John Escoffery, from Jamaica, and the grievances of Bishop Burnett who was deported from the Cape. These cases not only demonstrate the explosive potential of empire in 1820s parliamentary politics, they also bring to the fore a key function of inquiries ‘on the ground’, as the struggling Liverpool ministry tried (and largely failed) to use colonial commissions to keep Parliament (as much as possible) out of the serious business of governing and reforming empire.
Reaction, reform and compromise together constituted ‘constructive conservatism’ and the commissions of inquiry the Colonial Office sent out into empire from 1819 to 1825 were its perfect expression. Men on the ground, impartial enough to pass judgment, but knowledgeable enough about colonial affairs to cut through the noise of local and metropolitan politics, gathered firsthand knowledge of empire. To a ministry intent on holding tight to the reins of empire, this was essential because colonial scandals risked mobilizing Parliament to intervene. But commissions were also sent to gather real information to weave Britain’s newly disparate empire together. The very act of seeking independent intelligence demonstrated an effort to build imperial policy on information of a better calibre. Both political management and genuine reform were crucial to the origins, operation and consequences of the commissions, and together explain the entangled ideology and politics of the early nineteenth-century British world.
This chapter surveys the fate of the commissions in the Age of Reform from the 1830s and traces their key legacies. While the new Whig government took a hard line on some reforms (imposing a uniform slave code on all crown colonies in 1830, for example), an endless series of colonial secretaries, in dialogue with James Stephen Jr and Treasury, prevaricated about others. We show how systematic efforts to reform colonial constitutions and courts waxed and waned in the face of political turmoil, imperial penury, constitutional nerves, and/or waning Whig interest. We explore the complicated transition of the commissioners’ recommendations into partial and often abandoned reforms, ironically, as the ‘Age of Reform’ dawned.
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