Two assemblages of Floian graptolites from the Acoite Formation at a new section on the western flank of the Cordillera Oriental, Jujuy Province, referred to as El Moreno, are presented. The first assemblage includes Acrograptus spp., Baltograptus jacksoni Rushton, Baltograptus cf. jacksoni Rushton, Baltograptus sp. and poorly preserved tetragraptids. The second assemblage comprises Baltograptus deflexus? (Elles & Wood) and Baltograptus minutus (Törnquist). The presence of Baltograptus jacksoni and Baltograptus minutus allows for the identification of the eponymous biozones, indicating a middle to late Floian age for the studied strata. This contribution confirms the occurrence of Baltograptus jacksoni in Argentina. In addition, previous records of Floian graptolites from northwestern Argentina are revised, thus supporting the proposal to use the Baltograptus jacksoni and Baltograptus minutus zones in the Cordillera Oriental of Argentina. This enables regional correlations with equivalent levels throughout the Central Andean Basin, as well as more precise intercontinental correlation.

This paper tests for the cyclical implications of the external constraint in Argentina from 1930 to 2018, and investigates the responses of GDP, real wages, trade balance, and external debt to external trade shocks using a recursive vector-autoregressive model. Moreover, considering the shift in development strategy in 1976, marked by the transition from state-led industrialization to deregulation and trade openness, changes in external vulnerability are analyzed.

Results confirm a trade balance bottleneck hindering future growth, and that external debt fails to spur short-term growth or improve the purchasing power of the population, thereby confirming the vicious cyclical dynamics of stop-and-go and go-and-crash for the entire period. Also, real external vulnerability grew significantly after 1976, as evidenced by the fact that the cumulative impact of movements in the terms of trade and external demand rose from explaining 30% to 43% of GDP variation.

Compulsory voting (CV) has been common in Latin America. While research on its effects is burgeoning, little is known about its origins. This article seeks to start filling the gap by focusing on the adoption of CV in democratising polities. It proposes an explanation that rests on two implications of what this institution can reasonably be expected to do, i.e. increase turnout. The first logic suggests that CV was established to curb electoral malfeasance. The second, in turn, posits that it was introduced for damage limitation to those who held power. These hypotheses are tested against alternatives through a comparative historical study of three South American countries.

Lagostonema ecasiense is a bursate nematode parasite of Lagostomus maximus in Argentina. New morphological data, geographical distribution, ecological data, molecular characterization and exploratory phylogenetic analysis are provided. The general morphology and measurements agree with the original description with minimal discrepancies. The geographical distribution of Lagostonema is expanded with 3 new provinces and 9 new departments in Argentina. The molecular characterization constitutes the first molecular contribution for the genus Lagostonema. The analysis of genetic distances and phylogenetic exploration allow considering L. ecasiense as a nominal species, confirming its nomenclatural taxonomic identity. Likewise, although morphological studies allow the identification of specimens from all populations as L. ecasiense, molecular studies show a major genetic distance in the population from Santiago del Estero Province concerning the rest of the populations. Consequently, the haplotypes are mentioned as Lagostonema sp. with the possibility that these specimens belong to a new species. This study is valuable because it contributes to the ratification of a nominal species described decades ago, adding new morphological aspects and providing an understanding of their value as a marker of host populations.

This article examines the agency of women in a state programme which, although its original aim was not focused on improving the situation of women, has had the effect of helping women from poor sectors along a gender path. The analysis uses the concept of agency to explore contradictions between gender roles, the sexual division of labour, and women’s emancipation. While the programme reinforced some traditional gender roles, it also enabled women to develop a certain level of autonomy through emancipatory strategies, such as creating new spaces where they can discuss gender issues and share their experiences. Key findings relate to the role of community activities in building alternatives to current living conditions. The programme helped women save time and money and provided opportunities to step out of their private spaces. In its final year, the programme came to incorporate a feminist perspective, thanks to the efforts of both the feminist movement and the women beneficiaries of the programme. Analysis of the text of interviews and a final focus group provides an assessment of the programme’s outcomes and allows an evaluation of the level of agency achieved.

This article examines the adverse impact of the La Niña phenomenon in Argentina from 1988 to 1989 on the country’s economy, which led to a profound crisis. The severe drought significantly affected agricultural exports, exacerbating poverty and inflation. The resulting economic downturn was triggered in part by the drought and precipitated a political crisis, ultimately resulting in the resignation of President Alfonsín and paving the way for the election of Carlos Menem as Argentina’s president. This study sheds light on the intricate interplay between climatic events, economic performance, and political dynamics, highlighting the vulnerability of countries heavily reliant on agriculture and emphasizing the need for comprehensive strategies to mitigate the socioeconomic consequences of natural disasters.

The traditional narrative of Europe’s first wave of democratization is that elites extended the franchise in response to revolutionary threats and reformed majoritarian electoral systems to limit rising working-class parties. This stylized account does not fit early twentieth-century South America, where democratization was driven by internal competition within incumbent parties, without strong working-class parties to contain. I study Argentina’s 1912 electoral reform that introduced elements of democracy (secret and compulsory voting) and simultaneously changed the electoral system from multi-member plurality to the limited vote. To study the motivations behind the electoral system change component of the reform package, I analyze expert surveys, legislative debates, and a 1911 public opinion poll. Granting representation to political minorities was regarded not as an electoral containment strategy to benefit incumbents, but a progressive measure to make opposition parties more competitive. An analysis of roll-call votes shows that legislators who supported the reform were those expecting to not be adversely affected.

We analyze how new technologies can be used to foster individual engagement that limits deliberation and reduces people’s capacity for political action within parties. We present the results of an analysis of the case of the Argentinean Propuesta Republicana (PRO). Using data from in-depth interviews with key actors—party elites and political consultants—we show that new technologies helped to mobilize almost 1 million volunteers in presidential elections, without transforming them into party stakeholders. This incorporation, though successful for organization and mobilization, reinforced the existing distribution of power within the party, by activating new adherents without engaging them in a collective organizational structure.

How does a politician’s gender shape citizen responses to performance in office? Much of the existing literature suggests that voters hold higher expectations of women politicians and are more likely to punish them for malfeasance. An alternative perspective suggests that voters view men politicians as more agentic and are, therefore, more responsive to their performance, whether good or bad. Using an online survey experiment in Argentina, we randomly assign respondents to information that the distribution of a government food programme in a hypothetical city is biased or unbiased, and we also randomly assign the gender of the mayor. We find that respondents are more responsive to performance information – both positive and negative – about men mayors. We find little evidence that respondents hold different expectations of malfeasance by men versus women politicians. These results contribute to our understanding of how citizens process performance information in a context with few women politicians.

In this study the finding of the sponge Clathria (Clathria) unica in coastal waters of Mar del Plata city (38°14′24″S, 57°27′30″W), Argentina, at the formation called ‘Banco de Afuera’, is reported. This record constitutes the northernmost record of the species, which was known until the present study only from its type locality in San Antonio Oeste, Río Negro province. Additionally, the bathymetric range of the species is updated from intertidal to 20 m. Other two common sponge species, Cliona aff. celata and Spongia (Spongia) magellanica, were also recorded in this environment for the first time.