Adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) are associated with poor mental health outcomes, which are increasingly conceptualized from a transdiagnostic perspective. We examined the impact of ACEs on transdiagnostic mental health outcomes in young adulthood and explored potential effect modification. We included participants from the Avon Longitudinal Study of Parents and Children with prospectively measured data on ACEs from infancy till age 16 as well as mental health outcomes at ages 18 and 24. Exposures included emotional neglect, bullying, and physical, sexual or emotional abuse. The outcome was a pooled transdiagnostic Stage of 1b (subthreshold but clinically significant symptoms) or greater level (Stage 1b+) of depression, anxiety, or psychosis – a clinical stage typically associated with first need for mental health care. We conducted multivariable logistic regressions, with multiple imputation for missing data. We explored effect modification by sex at birth, first-degree family history of mental disorder, childhood neurocognition, and adolescent personality traits. Stage 1b + outcome was associated with any ACE (OR = 2.66, 95% CI = 1.68–4.22), any abuse (OR = 2.08, 95% CI = 1.38–3.14), bullying (OR = 2.15, 95% CI = 1.43–3.24), and emotional neglect (OR = 1.68, 95% CI = 1.06–2.67). Emotional neglect had a weaker association with the outcome among females (OR = 1.14, 95% CI = 0.61–2.14) than males (OR = 3.49, 95% CI = 1.64–7.42) and among those with higher extraversion (OR = 0.91, 95% CI = 0.85–0.97), in unweighted (n = 2,126) and weighted analyses (n = 7,815), with an openness–neglect interaction observed in the unweighted sample. Sex at birth, openness, and extraversion could modify the effects of adverse experiences, particularly emotional neglect, on the development of poorer transdiagnostic mental health outcomes.

Speaking truth ought to be normative in churches, and yet when it does, the foundations and structures of power are often shaken to the core. This paper explores the issues of identity and integrity in ecclesiology and is concerned with the ethical paradigms and moral frameworks that need to be in place if churches are to be places where honesty and truthfulness can be normative. Churches often fail as institutions because they presume they can conduct their affairs as organizations might. Churches become anger-averse, resisting the voices and experiences of victims, in order that the flow of power and its structures are unimpeded. At that point, churches become inherently committed to re-abusing victims and are unable to hear their pain and protests, which only leads to the perpetration of further abuse.

This paper gives definitions of terms which have become critical in ensuring that Anglican churches minimize the risk of harm to all who are involved as practitioners or recipients of its ministries. This imperative is rooted in Scripture, not just the recent history or pronouncements of the Lambeth Conference 2022. The terms ‘Safeguarding’, ‘Safe Ministry’ and ‘Safe Church’ (SC) are set out with reference to the ‘Lambeth Calls’. This paper explores why such terms have come to the forefront of current theological praxis, notes historical iterations of such matters and asks why some Anglican churches or provinces may resist adopting this Lambeth Call. It offers both an apologetic for the universal adoption of SC practices and a scriptural and dominical mandate for them. The paper identifies theological and scriptural principles on which SC theory and practice might be grounded. Anglican churches and provinces are encouraged to develop a theory and practice of SC pertinent to their environment rather than adhere to abstract universal prescriptions which risk irrelevance amidst cultural and contextual particularity.

Policy and professionalism go hand in hand. When safeguarding policy is all but absent as it is in the Church of England, it leaves clergy and others ill equipped to diagnose or to respond to concerns over abuse. Complex issues such as conflict of interest, evaluation based on verifiable objectives linked to safeguarding priorities, setting a balance between confidentiality and disclosure, safe recruitment and implementing the recommendations of safeguarding reviews are in effect left dangling. Expertise and professional judgement are needed both to develop policy and to apply it in real-world cases of prospective and actual abuse. Statistics about safeguarding cases covering associated resources, expenditure and outcomes are not readily available. Safeguarding reviews, mostly about particular cases, are difficult to generalise and ‘lessons learned’ are typically left at that without evidence of how safeguarding has changed as a result. The focus of safeguarding should be on the welfare of the people concerned, including survivors and perpetrators as well as congregations and church workers. Confrontational and legalistic approaches are all too common and do more harm than good. The objective should be to restore broken relationships, not necessarily between the survivor and the perpetrator, but between everyone involved in the case and the church.

Child maltreatment impacts approximately one in seven children in the United States, leading to adverse outcomes throughout life. Adolescence is a time period critical for the development of executive function, but there is little research examining how abuse and neglect may differently affect the developmental trajectories of executive function throughout adolescence and into young adulthood. In the current study, 167 adolescents participated at six time points from ages 14 to 20. At each time point, adolescents completed behavioral tasks measuring the three dimensions of executive function (working memory, inhibitory control, and cognitive flexibility). Neglect and abuse in early life (ages 1–13) were reported at ages 18–19. Unconditional growth curve models revealed age-related improvement in all three executive function dimensions. Conditional growth curve models tested the prospective effects of recalled neglect and abuse on the developmental trajectories of executive function. The results revealed that neglect was associated with developmental changes in working memory abilities, such that greater levels of neglect during ages 1–13 were associated with slower increases in working memory abilities across ages 14–20. These findings highlight the adverse consequences of early neglect experiences shown by delayed working memory development during adolescence into young adulthood.

This article re-reads Beckett’s play Not I (1972) in the light of the ‘Mother and Baby Homes Report’, published in January 2021. Beckett interrogates what James Smith, Clair Wills, and others have referred to as Ireland’s ‘architecture of containment’. Mouth, ‘brought up … with the other waifs’ in a mother and baby home, absorbed religious notions of sin and punishment. Through a close reading of selected passages, the article considers to what extent Not I can be read as a ‘survivor’s testimony’ such as those given to the commission of investigation into mother and baby homes.

This article aims to analyze the characteristics of individuals who commit military property theft while their country is at war. For nearly two years, Ukraine has been at war, and for nearly nine years, the country has been living under the regime of an antiterrorist operation, later transitioning to the operation of combined forces. However, some citizens’ attitudes towards military property and its preservation have not changed.

This article examines key issues in characterizing the individual who commits military property theft and bears responsibility for their actions. Emphasis is placed on applied cognition methods and the Ukrainian researchers’ attitudes towards analyzing the typical characteristics of an individual who appropriates military property during wartime. Additionally, the normative-legal framework regulating the actions of subjects (perpetrators) of military theft crime is explored.

It is argued that the specific norm under Ukraine's criminal responsibility law is applied based on the type of crime for which the person will subsequently be held accountable. According to the general rule, only a person who has reached the age of 18 can be considered a military ‘entity’; however, the article challenges this position and suggests alternative possibilities for holding a person accountable based on age. The article also examines holding foreign military personnel accountable, which is particularly relevant for a country in a state of war.

The age and social status of individuals committing military property theft are examined using statistical indicators from the Office of the Prosecutor General from 2018 to 2021, which allowed the tracking of changes in the commissions of specific types of military property theft. These trends are also represented visually in diagrams. The article specifically delves into those individuals who commit administrative offenses involving the misappropriation or unlawful use of military property, which is the subject of special administrative liability under article 172-13 of Ukraine's Administrative Offenses Code. Following that, we present data from our survey of 1,273 respondents. Along with these aspects, the article discusses the matter of complicity between military personnel and civilians and provides court decisions as examples. Finally, the authors recommend expanding the accountability of individuals who misappropriate military property.