1. Introduction
Although international organizations (IOs) are designed as independent entities to govern global affairs, their operations are inherently shaped by complex power dynamics and political influences (Mearsheimer, Reference Mearsheimer1994; Abbott and Snidal, Reference Abbott and Snidal1998). States traditionally exercise control through direct mechanisms like conditional economic donations. However, scholarly attention has increasingly focused on more nuanced forms of influence. Recent literature further identifies various indirect channels through which member states shape IO decision-making, including informal governance practices in staffing, cross-organizational issue linkage, strategic agenda-setting by smaller states, and leveraging country-specific knowledge in project implementation (Panke, Reference Panke2012; Mikulaschek, Reference Mikulaschek2018; Heinzel, Reference Heinzel2022). Among these, staff representation has emerged as a particularly significant avenue for exercising sustained influence within IOs, as the preferences and experiences of individual staff members substantially impact organizational policies and actions (Heinzel, Reference Heinzel2022; Lang et al., Reference Lang, Wellner and Kentikelenis2025). Through strategic staffing, countries can maintain long-term presence and influence over IO operations, offering a more subtle alternative to direct coercion or aggressive tactics (Manulak, Reference Manulak2017; Parízek, Reference Parízek2017).
While existing empirical research has explored how domestic socioeconomic conditions, diplomatic engagement, and foreign aid contributions affect professional staff representation within IOs (Novosad and Werker, Reference Novosad and Werker2019; Badache, Reference Badache2020; Parízek and Stephen, Reference Parízek and Stephen2021a), less attention has been paid to the role of organizational leadership in shaping national representation. Leadership positions involve substantial decision-making authority and capacity to influence institutional priorities and global policy directions (Hall and Woods, Reference Hall and Woods2018; Novosad and Werker, Reference Novosad and Werker2019; Oksamytna et al., Reference Oksamytna, Bove and Lundgren2021; Lam and Fung, Reference Lam and Fung2024). Embedded in complex environments shaped by interactions between national politics and global dynamics, IO leaders are also constrained by institutional oversight and accountability mechanisms that limit their unilateral actions (Cox, Reference Cox1969; Schroeder, Reference Schroeder2014; Hall and Woods, Reference Hall and Woods2018; Xu and Weller, Reference Xu and Weller2018). To navigate these constraints, leaders may strategically influence staffing decisions, potentially favoring candidates from their home countries or those who share similar policy preferences. While anecdotal evidence exists of such practices, such as Ban Ki-Moon’s alleged preferential appointment of South Korean nationals to key United Nations (UN) positions (Lynch, Reference Lynch2007), systematic analysis of leadership influence on staff representation remains limited. This study addresses this gap by examining how IO leaders may leverage their positions to enhance their home countries’ staff representation within these organizations.
Our analysis draws on an original dataset encompassing executive heads, staffing, and voluntary contributions across 25 UN system agencies from 1996 to 2022. These agencies span funds and programs, specialized agencies, and other entities such as the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and related organizations like the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). Our results show that a country’s leadership in an IO significantly increases its staff representation compared to countries without such leadership. To address potential endogeneity concerns, we control for two-way fixed effects (country-organization pair and time trends) and use additional methods, such as staggered difference-in-differences (DiD), as robustness checks. The impact of leadership on staff representation remains substantial, suggesting that leadership positions in IOs are effective tools for states to enhance their professional staff representation.
We provide evidence illustrating the mechanisms driving the impact of leadership. First, IO leaders often secure increased voluntary contributions from their home countries, creating favorable conditions for enhanced national representation. Second, leaders foster positive interactions between their home countries and the organizations, facilitating greater professional representation opportunities. Furthermore, we observe evolving trends where leaders from developing countries demonstrate increasingly significant influence on staff representation, reflecting the UN’s growing emphasis on representative legitimacy. In contrast, the influence of leaders from developed countries appears less pronounced. Meanwhile, we find that countries closely connected to leadership-holding states are more likely to see their staff representation increase. We further provide suggestive evidence of a normative implication of IO staff politicization, namely that higher staff concentration is associated with lower organizational performance.
2. Literature review
This study sits at the intersection of three distinct strands of international relations scholarship: state influence in IOs, organizational leadership, and bureaucratic staffing. Research on state influence persuasively shows that governments steer IO outputs through formal authority, financing, and informal governance (e.g., Stone, Reference Stone2004, Reference Stone2011; Graham, Reference Graham2015, Reference Graham2017b; Clark and Dolan, Reference Clark and Dolan2021). Donor leverage in IMF lending (Stone, Reference Stone2004), the association between alignment in United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) voting and the stringency of World Bank conditionality (Clark and Dolan, Reference Clark and Dolan2021), and the strategic delegation of scarce aid to shape downstream implementation (Schneider and Tobin, Reference Schneider and Tobin2016) all demonstrate that states can move policy levers. Work on financing and informal control further traces how earmarks and funding rules reallocate authority within organizations (Stone, Reference Stone2011; Graham, Reference Graham2015, Reference Graham2017b; Reinsberg, Reference Reinsberg2017, Reference Reinsberg2023; Hall and Woods, Reference Hall and Woods2018). Yet across this strand the bureaucracy mostly appears as a frictionless conduit: we learn a great deal about what states can induce IOs to do, but far less about how that influence becomes embedded in the administration. Our study extends this literature by characterizing a nuanced mechanism of state influence, focusing on whether and how political leverage is translated into systematic shifts in the nationality composition of professional staff.
A second strand of relevant scholarship, the leadership literature, clarifies who exercises authority in IOs but typically stops short of tracing effects into the rank-and-file. From Cox’s (Reference Cox1969) classic account to more recent syntheses, scholars emphasize leadership’s multidimensional character, including its managerial, diplomatic, and political dimensions, and the interplay of formal authority with informal networks (Schechter, Reference Schechter1987; Reinalda and Verbeek, Reference Reinalda, Verbeek, J. Kane and Hart2009; Kleine, Reference Kleine2013; Schroeder, Reference Schroeder2014; Hall and Woods, Reference Hall and Woods2018; Xu and Weller, Reference Xu and Weller2018). Related contributions document the outsized influence particular state representatives can wield and map who reaches senior UN posts (Novosad and Werker, Reference Novosad and Werker2019; Oksamytna et al., Reference Oksamytna, Bove and Lundgren2021; Forster, Reference Forster2024). What remains underspecified is the leadership–staffing nexus: under what conditions and through which mechanisms leadership positions translate into broader gains in professional staff representation for the leader’s country, rather than effects confined to the top office.
A third body of work explains why staffing composition is politically consequential. IO personnel are not neutral cogs. Their expertise, beliefs, and organizational learning shape how mandates are interpreted and implemented (Busch et al., Reference Busch, Heinzel, Kempken and Liese2022; Heinzel, Reference Heinzel2022; Clark and Zucker, Reference Clark and Zucker2024; Lang et al., Reference Lang, Wellner and Kentikelenis2025). At the same time, classic and contemporary accounts show that merit procedures coexist with power politics and informal bargains, yielding traded control and national enclaves within bureaucracies (Weiss, Reference Weiss1982; Mearsheimer, Reference Mearsheimer1994; Stone, Reference Stone2011; Kleine, Reference Kleine2013; Dijkstra, Reference Dijkstra2016; Parízek, Reference Parízek2017; Oksamytna et al., Reference Oksamytna, Bove and Lundgren2021). Although parts of the UN system have become more representative over time (Parízek, Reference Parízek2017; Parízek and Stephen, Reference Parízek and Stephen2021a), patterns of over-representation associated with diplomatic and financial investments persist (Novosad and Werker, Reference Novosad and Werker2019; Badache, Reference Badache2020). Existing work, however, seldom specifies the concrete pathways through which political and financial leverage are transmitted into personnel outcomes, treating hiring largely as a black box.
The above gaps motivate our contribution. We center leadership in the politics of staffing and theorize concrete channels, particularly voluntary financing and intensified IO-state engagement, through which leadership can be translated into changes in a country’s professional staff representation. In doing so, we link state power, executive leadership, and bureaucratic composition, and clarify when and how political influence becomes organizationally embedded without presuming departures from merit.
3. Theorization and hypotheses
IOs are ideally envisioned as independent supranational actors, free from undue political influence (Abbott and Snidal, Reference Abbott and Snidal1998). Yet in reality, their autonomy is frequently constrained by powerful member states that interfere in decision-making, manipulate operations, and, in some cases, restructure or dissolve IOs to suit their interests (Abbott and Snidal, Reference Abbott and Snidal1998; Nielson and Tierney, Reference Nielson and Tierney2003; Hawkins et al., Reference Hawkins, Lake, Nielson and Tierney2006; Stone, Reference Stone2011; Manulak, Reference Manulak2017; Clark and Dolan, Reference Clark and Dolan2021). As Reinalda and Verbeek (Reference Reinalda, Verbeek, J. Kane and Hart2009) note, referring to these organizations as “intergovernmental organizations” (IGOs) more accurately reflects their nature as creations of sovereign states.
Rather than coordinating their actions collectively, states often pursue divergent, sometimes even conflicting, interests shaped by their geopolitical priorities, economic capacities, and ideological commitments (Stone, Reference Stone2004; Schneider and Tobin, Reference Schneider and Tobin2016; Parízek, Reference Parízek2017). This pattern reflects what the political economy literature terms common agency Footnote 1 (Bernheim and Whinston, Reference Bernheim and Whinston1986; Grossman and Helpman, Reference Grossman and Helpman1994; Dixit et al., Reference Dixit, Grossman and Helpman1997): a situation in which multiple principals, each with potentially heterogeneous interests, seek to influence a single agent. In the context of IOs, that agent is the IO bureaucracy, which is formally tasked with representing the collective interests of member states. In practice, however, states engage with IOs through a range of strategies aimed at advancing their own priorities and asserting influence over organizational decision-making.
One relatively accessible strategy through which states seek to influence IOs is staff representation. Beyond serving as a normatively valued symbol of inclusiveness, staff representation can serve national interests in multiple ways (Novosad and Werker, Reference Novosad and Werker2019; Parízek and Stephen, Reference Parízek and Stephen2021a). For instance, when IOs implement projects within a member state, staff from that country can provide soft information and local expertise that improve project effectiveness and align outcomes more closely with national priorities (Parízek, Reference Parízek2017; Eckhard, Reference Eckhard2021). More broadly, given that IO personnel may shape policy outcomes within the scope of their delegated authority (Busch et al., Reference Busch, Heinzel, Kempken and Liese2022; Lang et al., Reference Lang, Wellner and Kentikelenis2025), increasing staff representation enables states to strengthen their institutional embeddedness in IOs, thereby enhancing their capacity to influence organizational preferences and decision-making (Vaubel et al., Reference Vaubel, Dreher and Soylu2007; Urpelainen, Reference Urpelainen2012). Although IO staff are formally mandated to act independently, states may nonetheless shape bureaucratic behavior by embedding aligned personnel and cultivating informal networks of influence (Parízek, Reference Parízek2017; Novosad and Werker, Reference Novosad and Werker2019).
This competition may intensify when a state’s national occupies an executive leadership position. Leaders operate at the intersection of national and organizational authority, affording them formal prerogatives and informal leverage over staffing. Through control of hiring, team composition, and strategic direction, they may promote greater representation of their home country. This possibility motivates the following hypothesis:
H1: Leadership in IOs enhances the representation of professional staff from the leaders’ home countries.
One feasible channel to shape the staff representation is through voluntary contributions. Unlike assessed contributions, which are collectively managed mandatory payments, voluntary contributions are often restricted or “earmarked,” allowing donor states to target specific activities and gain greater control over resource allocation (Hall and Woods, Reference Hall and Woods2018; Reinsberg, Reference Reinsberg2023). Voluntary funding thereby serves as a mechanism of informal governance (Manulak, Reference Manulak2017), enabling states to shape operational outcomes without relying on formal institutional channels (E. R. Graham, Reference Graham2015, Reference Graham2017a, Reference Graham2017b; Reinsberg, Reference Reinsberg2017, Reference Reinsberg2023).
This dynamic is particularly pronounced in organizations heavily reliant on voluntary contributions, such as the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) and the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), where donor dependency shapes operational and administrative decisions (Manulak, Reference Manulak2017). Prior research highlights that wealthier and more powerful states often use their financial leverage to secure key positions for their nationals, consolidating their influence within IOs (Manulak, Reference Manulak2017; Parízek, Reference Parízek2017; Xu and Weller, Reference Xu and Weller2018; Barnett and Finnemore, Reference Barnett and Finnemore2019).
Building on this logic, it is plausible that when leaders from donor countries take office, they may serve as intermediaries, helping to channel additional voluntary contributions from their home countries. These financial inflows, in turn, can offer leverage over staffing decisions. In a context increasingly shaped by donor priorities, contributing states often gain influence over personnel matters, including the authority to nominate or assign staff to donor-funded programs (Gui, Reference Gui2024). This leads to the following hypothesis:
H2: Leadership enhances staff representation by increasing voluntary contributions from the leader’s home country.
In addition to financial contributions, interactions between IOs and member states can play an important role in shaping staffing outcomes. IO officials frequently act as bridges between their organizations and national stakeholders—promoting national values, shaping policy agendas, and facilitating cooperative initiatives (Milhorance, Reference Milhorance2020). Leaders in senior positions are especially positioned to elevate their home countries’ priorities and visibility.
For instance, during his tenure at the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), José Graziano promoted Brazil’s “Zero Hunger” strategy, influencing global food security policies while embedding Brazilian experts and expanding technical cooperation through platforms like the FAO and the Community of Portuguese Language Countries (Milhorance, Reference Milhorance2020). More recently, Amandeep Singh Gill, as the UN Secretary-General’s Envoy on Technology, has publicly spotlighted India’s digital initiatives—such as the Bhashini project—as models of inclusive innovation, elevating India’s visibility in UN technology governance debates.Footnote 2 These engagements may generate administrative demand—such as for joint programs or outreach efforts—that is best met by staff familiar with national contexts. This leads to the following hypothesis:
H3: Leadership enhances staff representation by fostering cooperative interactions between an international organization and the leader’s home country.
Notice that, while leadership can serve as a lever of national influence, it may also be a product of prior engagement. States that maintain strong institutional ties, such as through financial contributions or sustained cooperation, may be better positioned to secure leadership posts. Once in office, these leaders can further deepen their countries’ institutional presence. This recursive relationship underscores the dual role of leadership as both a consequence and an amplifier of influence. Importantly, these two hypotheses do not rule out the possibility that voluntary contributions and institutional interactions may directly enhance a home state’s influence over organizational activities, even without occupying leadership positions in the IO.
In parallel, debates over representativeness and legitimacy in IOs have intensified in recent decades.Footnote 3 In response, many bodies have adopted measures to broaden participation and improve geographic balance; within the UN system, staff representation from low-income countries has increased (Parízek, Reference Parízek2017; Parízek and Stephen, Reference Parízek and Stephen2021a). Yet uneven distributions persist across organizations and grades, sustaining incentives for states to adopt subtler influence-seeking strategies that widen participation while maintaining leverage.
One such strategy is quid pro quo staffing or proxy representation: governments facilitate the placement of other countries’ nationals in exchange for present or future favors. A notable example is the evolution of Junior Professional Officer (JPO) program. Originally designed for donor countries to sponsor their young professionals in fixed-term positions within IOs, several governments have since expanded eligibility to include candidates from lower-income partner countries. More generally, comparable dynamics can arise informally through durable ties and repeated cooperation. We conceptualize the resulting pattern as indirect representation via reciprocity: leadership held by state n can increase professional opportunities for nationals of states connected to n through relational ties, even when those beneficiary states do not hold leadership themselves. This leads to the following hypothesis:
H4: A country’s professional staff representation in an IO increases when leadership is held by states to which it is closely connected.
The notion of close state connection in the preceding hypothesis is not limited to cases where countries have signed formal agreements. It is broadly interpreted as the presence of formal or informal ties between two countries that involve a degree of mutual trust. Such connections may arise from strategic or diplomatic relations, membership in regional groupings based on geographic proximity, or shared language and cultural affinity.
Overall, our framework illustrates the various forms through which states exercise influence via leadership positions in IOs. On the one hand, leadership expands opportunities for the leader’s own nationals, in part by increasing voluntary funding and intensifying IO–state engagement (H2–H3). On the other hand, it can reallocate opportunities toward connected states through quid pro quo staffing or proxy representation, yielding network-mediated gains in staff representation (H4). Leadership is therefore not a stand-alone source of influence but a node within a broader portfolio of strategies that states mobilize to deepen institutional presence.
4. Empirical analysis
4.1. Data and measurements
To test the main hypotheses, we analyze data covering UN agencies across—including funds and programs, specialized agencies, other entities and related organizations—from 1996 to 2022. Due to data availability, our sample includes 25 UN agencies.Footnote 4 Our dataset captures each agency’s staff composition by nationality, senior officials’ nationalities, country-specific voluntary contributions, and key economic and political characteristics of contributing nations.
First of all, we sourced UN staffing data from the United Nations Chief Executives Board for Coordination (CEB) Personnel Statistics reports for the years 1996–2022.Footnote 5 These annual reports provide detailed staffing information across all UN agencies. The data covers staff employed for durations of one year or longer. Although our hypotheses focus on international professional (P) staff, our empirical analysis also includes general service (GS) staff. International professional staff are globally recruited experts with specialized skills, often requiring advanced degrees, and their numbers reflect the representation and influence of their home countries. In contrast, general service staff, primarily responsible for support and administrative tasks, are typically hired locally. It is important to note that the data excludes consultants, who comprise a substantial portion of the UN workforce and often serve on short-term contracts (Seabrooke and Sending, Reference Seabrooke and Sending2020), but are not consistently reported in the official data.Footnote 6
We use Ln(P_staff) and Ln(GS_staff) to represent the logarithmic forms of the respective staff categories.Footnote 7 Given the nature of these categories, we are more interested in the former, as professional staff play a more significant role in organizations and are therefore more likely to represent the interests of their home countries. Let P_staff_increment (GS_staff_increment) denote the change of a country’s staff in an organization, i.e., the difference in Ln(P_staff) (Ln(G_staff)) between periods t and t − 1. For simplicity, we omit detailed subscripts for country, organization, and year when it does not cause confusion. Notice that P_staff_increment (GS_staff_increment), as a primary outcome variable, approximates the growth rate of the professional staff (general service staff).
Our second data source focuses on IO leadership. We compiled data on top officials from the UN Yearbook, which provides the names and titles of senior staff. We determined their nationalities by consulting directories, media reports, and historical documents. Due to inconsistencies in the UN Yearbook’s coverage of organizations and deputy positions, we conducted extensive searches across media sources and historical records to fill any gaps in the data. Moreover, as the UN Yearbook ceased publication after 2017, we supplemented the dataset with information for the years 2018–2022 through additional searches. For leadership roles, we consider both executive leaders of the organization and their deputies.Footnote 8 Our key explanatory variable, leadership, is binary: it equals 1 if a country has one or more than one citizen serving as a leader (either as head or deputy head) in the organization, and 0 otherwise.
For voluntary contributions from countries to organizations, we compiled UN financial data from the biannual or multiannual “Budgetary and Financial Situation of the Organizations of the United Nations System” reports. These reports provide detailed information on the annual voluntary contributions from each country to each organization.Footnote 9 The voluntary contributions, measured in millions of dollars, are transformed using a logarithmic scale, resulting in the variable Ln(contributions).
In our empirical analysis, we also control for the socioeconomic and political conditions of countries. We use Ln(working_population) to denote the logarithm of the working-age population (individuals aged 15–64), as defined by the OECD,Footnote 10 and Ln(GDP) to represent the logarithm of GDP. These two variables are sourced from the World Bank’s WDI database. We use the variable education, drawn from the UNDP’s HDI dataset, to capture the average years of schooling. Higher education levels indicate a greater potential supply of citizens qualified to work in IOs. In addition, we use economic_globalization and political_globalization to capture countries’ overseas interests, sourced from the KOF Globalization Index. The variable economic_globalization measures the size of overseas business activities, reflecting a country’s involvement in international trade and investment, while political_globalization captures countries’ participation in foreign affairs, including appointing diplomatic officers, engaging in peacekeeping missions, and cooperating with international NGOs. To capture the domestic political conditions of member countries, we include two additional variables from the V-Dem project dataset. The variable corruption measures the level of domestic political corruption in the public sector, and the variable VDem_index provides a measure of liberal democracy for each country.Footnote 11
We summarize the descriptive statistics for the main variables in Table 1. Between 1997 and 2022, the average staff increment (P_staff_increment) was about 0.023, with a standard deviation of 0.251. While the number of staff remained relatively stable over time, there was considerable variation in growth rates across countries. The average leadership score is 0.014, indicating that only a small proportion of countries have nationals appointed as leaders in the organizations in our sample.
Table 1. Descriptive statistics

Figure 1 displays the annual number of chief executive leadership positions in our sampled IOs held by nationals from the five permanent members of the UN Security Council, along with Germany and Japan.Footnote 12 Russian nationals did not hold any such positions during the study period and therefore excluded. The figure shows that advanced economies such as the United States, France, and Japan tend to occupy more leadership roles, although the numbers fluctuate over time. In contrast, developing countries such as China have seen a notable increase in leadership representation since 2005. This trend is echoed in Figure 2, which presents the yearly count of top leaders by national income level. While high-income countries have consistently dominated IO executive leadership, there has been a steady rise in leaders from upper-middle-income countries in recent years, suggesting a gradual shift toward a more inclusive and representative global leadership landscape.

Figure 1. Number of chief executive leaders from the P5 countries, Germany, and Japan.

Figure 2. Number of chief executive leaders in office by country income level.
Figure 3 illustrates how staff representation varies across countries based on their leadership role in IOs over time. We categorize countries into three groups: those with current UN agency leaders, those with former leaders only, and those that have never had leaders. The figure displays the total number of professional staff for each category. The three curves—ranked from top to bottom—represent the total staff for the “current leaders,” “former leaders,” and “no leaders” groups, respectively. These curves differ not only in absolute numbers but also in their slopes, reflecting varying rates of annual staff increment.

Figure 3. Representation of professional staffs of countries with different leadership Status.
Professional staff numbers increase most rapidly in countries with current leaders. Countries with former leaders show moderate growth, while those without leaders maintain nearly flat rate. Having a current leader in an international organization appears to significantly boosts a country’s professional representation, suggesting leadership roles create enhanced career opportunities for nationals and advance the country’s organizational policy agenda. In the following sections, we will verify this patterns observed in Figure 3 through systematic data analysis.
4.2. Empirical strategy
In the baseline analysis, we use a two-way fixed-effects model with a DiD approach to estimate the impact of leadership on the growth of countries’ staff representation in UN agencies. The regression model is specified as follows:
where the
$c$ represents the country,
$i$ the international organization, and
$t$ the year. The variable
$staff\_incremen{t_{c,i,t}}$ refers to the change in either professional staff (P_staff_increment) or general-service staff (GS_staff_increment) for country
$c$ in year t within organization
$i$, which is our outcome of interest.
$leadershi{p_{c,i,t - 1}}$ indicates whether country c had at least one national serving as a senior official in organization
$i$ during year
$t - 1$. The staff increment is measured as the difference between year t and year t − 1, so the outcome variable has a one-year lag relative to the explanatory variable
$leadershi{p_{c,i,t - 1}}$.
${X_{c,i,t - 1}}$ is a vector of control variables, including the logarithms of the country’s staff numbers in each organization for year t − 1, the log form of the working-age population, GDP, education, economic globalization, political globalization, and indicators of domestic political corruption and democracy, all for year t − 1.
${\lambda _{c,i}}$ represents dyadic (IO-country pair) fixed effects, controlling for time-invariant factors specific to the relationship between country
$c$ and organization
$i$, such as the advantages of founding member states.
${\mu _t}$ represents year fixed effects, controlling for common time trends affecting all dyads, such as policy shocks. Including these fixed effects ensures the analysis focuses on within-dyad variations over time while accounting for overall time-based changes.
${\varepsilon _{c,i,t}}$ is the error term. To address potential correlations in the error terms, we cluster standard errors by dyad. The coefficient of interest is
$\beta $, which captures the average treatment effect of leadership on staff representation dynamics.
4.3. Baseline results
We report the baseline results from estimating Equation (1) in Table 2. In all four regressions, we control for country-IO and year fixed effects. Columns (1) and (3) show the results of the benchmark regressions, controlling only for staff size. Columns (2) and (4) additionally control for domestic conditions at the country level.
Table 2. The impact of leadership on the increase of staff representation in IOs

*** Standard errors (in parentheses) are clustered at the dyadic (i.e., country-IO) level: *** p < 0.01, ** p < 0.05, * p < 0.1. All the explanatory variables are lagged by 1 year.
Overall, the results indicate that leadership in IOs significantly improves the representation of professional staff from the home country, but not general service staff. Specifically, the coefficient for leadership is 0.041 in column 1, significant at the 1% level, and changes slightly to 0.038 in column 2,Footnote 13 also significant at the 1% level. Our regression results suggest that leadership provides a significant advantage for a country in securing professional positions within IOs, supporting Hypothesis 1. To interpret the estimated coefficients, consider a hypothetical example in which a country has 100 staff members in an organization at period t. According to the estimate in column 2, the country’s staff in the IO at period t + 1 increases to approximately 104 due to its leadership position at period t, holding other factors constant.Footnote 14 If the leadership continues for five years, the country would gain a total of 20 additional staff members, representing a 20% increase. For general service staff, columns 3 and 4 show no significant relationship with leadership, as coefficients are not significantly different from zero. This pattern likely reflects two factors: the distinct nature of general service recruitment, where local hiring practices often play a key role in the selection process, and the focus of these positions on operational and administrative functions rather than policy-making activities.
4.4. Robustness checks and event-study estimates
The validity of two-way fixed effects estimation depends on the assumption of homogeneous treatment effect. To account for potential heterogeneous effects, we employ several alternative estimation strategies. Column 1 of Table 3 shows the result of the two-stage DiD estimation (Gardner, Reference Gardner2022). Column 2 displays the result of the stacked DiD model (Cengiz et al., Reference Cengiz, Dube, Lindner and Zipperer2019). Table 3 shows that the leadership effects remain positive and statistically significant across different heterogeneity-robust estimations. These robustness checks further support our hypothesis that leaders in IOs shape the dynamics of staff representation.
Table 3. Additional robustness checks

*** Standard errors (in parentheses) are clustered at the dyadic (i.e., country-IO) level: ***p < 0.01, **p < 0.05, *p < 0.1. The variable leadership and other control variables are lagged by 1 year.
The validity of DiD estimates relies on the parallel-trend assumption. We present the event-study figures generated by several recently proposed estimators (Cengiz et al., Reference Cengiz, Dube, Lindner and Zipperer2019; Gardner, Reference Gardner2022) to check for potential pre-trends and examine the dynamic effects of leadership in IOs. Specifically, Figure 4 presents the event-study estimates with a 95% confidence interval, using the period −1 as the reference group. Regardless of the estimation methods used, the coefficients before the appointment of a leader (i.e., period −1) are close to zero and statistically insignificant. This suggests that there is no substantial pre-treatment trend, thereby confirming the parallel-trend assumption. Additionally, the coefficients turn positive shortly after leaders assume their positions for the first time, with some estimations showing a decrease in the return on representation after period 0.

Figure 4. Event study: dynamic effects of leadership.
4.5. Mechanisms
In the following, we empirically examine two mechanisms through which leadership influences staff representation, testing Hypotheses 2 and 3. The first mechanism involves the relationship between leadership and organizational funding.
Since the 1980s, the increasing proportion of earmarked voluntary contributions has politicized UN funding, giving major donors greater control over programs (Weiss, Reference Weiss1982). This shift from collective core financing to individual restricted voluntary funds has led to what E. R. Graham (Reference Graham2015) terms the “bilateralization” of the UN. Contributing countries often gain the ability to provide personnel for funded programs (Gui, Reference Gui2024).
Leadership positions enable control over IO resources. Xu and Weller (Reference Xu and Weller2018) document how leadership candidates, supported by their governments, often promise member states increased aid in exchange for votes—a practice known as bringing a “dowry.” This “dowry” extends beyond bilateral aid to include development programs within IOs. Organizations, in turn, may favor leadership candidates capable of attracting substantial funding, creating a self-reinforcing cycle: leaders use their positions to encourage voluntary contributions from their home countries, which then strengthens their influence over staffing decisions to benefit their nationals.
Figure 5 illustrates the relationship between leadership roles and voluntary contributions to organizations. Similar to Figure 3, we compare voluntary contributions across three categories: countries with current leaders, those with former leaders only, and those without any leaders. As shown in Figure 5, countries with current leaders exhibit a marked upward trend in voluntary contributions, particularly after 2015, when contributions increased substantially. In contrast, countries with only former leaders or no leaders demonstrate limited growth in voluntary contributions. Though countries with former leaders maintain slightly higher average contributions than those without leaders, both curves remain relatively flat throughout the observed periods.

Figure 5. Voluntary contributions by countries with different leadership Statuses.
Table 4 presents the results of an empirical test of Hypothesis 2 regarding the relationship between leadership, voluntary contributions, and staff representation. Column (1) suggests that IOs receive significantly higher voluntary contributions from countries with leadership positions compared to other countries. Furthermore, column (2) shows that these increased voluntary contributions can further drive higher number of professional staff from the leaders’ home countries, while leadership maintains its direct impact on staff representation.
Table 4. Leadership impact through bringing voluntary contributions

*** Standard errors (in parentheses) are clustered at the dyadic (i.e., country-IO) level: ***p < 0.01, **p < 0.05, *p < 0.1. All the explanatory variables are lagged by 1 year.
To test Hypothesis 3, which suggests that IO leaders promote cooperative interactions with their home countries to increase national representation, we construct proxy variables to capture interactions between IOs and countries using the GDELT dataset. This database records events reported in international news media since 1979 and can be used in studies of bilateral relations and diplomatic behavior. Based on original news sources, GDELT provides detailed attributes for each event, including the type of interaction, the parties involved, and event sentiment.Footnote 15
In the GDELT data, news reports that mention both an IO and a country are categorized into four types: verbal cooperation, material cooperation, verbal conflict, and material conflict. These categories capture different aspects of IO–state relationships. Since Hypothesis 3 centers on mechanisms that operate through positive interactions, we focus on those with cooperative characteristics, namely verbal and material cooperation. Material cooperation refers to tangible, resource-based collaboration. For instance, Germany’s financial contribution of EUR 1.3 million to the UNDP-supported cybersecurity project in Bosnia and Herzegovina represents such material cooperation, where both sides engage in a jointly implemented development program. This event is coded as material cooperation in the data (GDELT Event ID: 1076305628). Verbal cooperation includes public statements of support or mutual appreciation. For example, UNHCR publicly expressed gratitude to Italy for its long-standing commitment to receiving refugees from Libya via humanitarian corridors and for providing continuous financial assistance for Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, supporting essential services such as health, education, and protection. This event is coded as verbal cooperation in the data (GDELT Event IDs: 1052494651; 1076129855). These cases demonstrate how cooperative interactions can range from, but not limited to, financial commitments to expressions of diplomatic goodwill, both contributing to the deepening of IO-state relationships. Of the 25 organizations in our working sample, 15 are involved in the above two types of cooperative interactions with countries: FAO, IAEA, ICAO, ILO, IMO, IOM, ITU, UNDP, UNESCO, UNHCR, UNICEF, UNWTO, UPU, WFP, and WHO.
Following the approaches of Amarasinghe (Reference Amarasinghe2022) and Chiba and Gleditsch (Reference Chiba and Gleditsch2017), we use the number of verbal and material cooperation events to construct two new variables. The first variable, cooperative_interaction1, is the logarithm of the total number of cooperation events—both verbal and material—between an IO and a country in a given year, capturing the frequency of their cooperative interaction. However, this measure does not account for the intensity or consequences of these interactions. To address this limitation, we construct a second variable, cooperative_interaction2, which is based on the Goldstein scores assigned to cooperative events between an IO and a country in the same year. The Goldstein scores reflect the potential significance of these events for the countries involved. We sum the Goldstein scores of all relevant events and then take the logarithm of the total.
It is important to note that both variables are based on media coverage and therefore serve only as approximations of actual IO and country interactions. While not perfect measures, they nonetheless capture certain cooperative dimensions of these relationships.
Columns 1 and 2 in Table 5 show that leadership in IOs enhances staff representation from their home countries through increased cooperative interactions. When examining these positive interactions more closely in columns 3 and 4, we find that leadership-driven engagement significantly expands the professional staff from leaders’ home countries within these organizations. These findings, especially those in columns 1 and 2, are consistent with H3, showing that once leadership positions are secured, they help foster productive interactions between the IO and the home country. These interactions, in turn, contribute to greater staff representation for the member state. Our hypotheses regarding the mechanisms do not take a position on whether leadership has a direct effect beyond the channels of voluntary contributions and IO–state interaction. Columns 3 and 4 suggest that, in addition to these channels, leadership itself appears to have a positive effect, though this effect is not statistically significant in the reduced-form regression.
Table 5. Leadership impact through inducing interactions with home countries

*** Standard errors (in parentheses) are clustered at the dyadic (i.e., country-IO) level: ***p < 0.01, **p < 0.05, *p < 0.1. All the explanatory variables are lagged by 1 year.
4.6. Heterogeneity
To provide additional evidence, we examine the potentially heterogeneous impacts of leadership across different subsamples. Funding mechanisms significantly shape how influence is exercised within IOs, with research by Bayram and Graham (Reference Bayram and Graham2017) and Graham (2017) demonstrating that wealthy donors can substantially impact decision-making and program implementation. Therefore, the stability and diversity of funding sources are crucial for organizational independence and operational effectiveness.
We expect that IOs with more stable funding sources are more likely to maintain institutional independence. To test this, we divide the IOs into two subsamples based on the share of assessed contributions in their total budget (i.e., the sum of assessed and voluntary contributions). About half of the organizations in our sample have a share above 40%, so we use this threshold to split the sample into those with a higher (above 40%) and lower (40% or below) reliance on assessed contributions. Organizations with a relatively lower share of assessed contributions rely more heavily on voluntary contributions, making staff recruitment more vulnerable to external influence. In contrast, those with a higher share of assessed contributions are likely to exercise greater autonomy in hiring. Table 6 presents the regression results for the two subsamples. The findings indicate that leadership has a stronger marginal effect on professional staff growth in IOs with less stable (more voluntary) funding, although the difference between the two coefficients is not statistically significant.
Table 6. Heterogeneity of organizations’ funding sources

*** Standard errors (in parentheses) are clustered at the dyadic (i.e., country-IO) level: *** p < 0.01, **p < 0.05, *p < 0.1. The variable leadership and other control variables are lagged by 1 year.
The second type of heterogeneity we explore concerns the differential roles of developed and developing countries in IOs. Historically, developed countries have been disproportionately represented in both rank-and-file and senior positions within IOs, a pattern criticized for being detrimental to such organizations’ legitimacy and functional effectiveness (Kleine, Reference Kleine2013; Stone, Reference Stone2013). In recent years, there has been growing advocacy for equitable representation to enhance IO legitimacy and protect the low-income countries’ rights.Footnote 16 The UN exemplifies this shift through its initiatives to attract talent from underrepresented states as well as targeted recruitment efforts in regions like Sub-Saharan Africa (Gui, Reference Gui2024). These efforts have yielded results, with low-income countries achieving substantially improved representation in IOs (Parízek, Reference Parízek2017; Parízek and Stephen, Reference Parízek and Stephen2021a).
To explore how leadership affects staff representation across different country groups, we divide our sample into developed and developing countries. Following World Bank classifications,Footnote 17 we categorize high-income countries as developed and all others into developing. To better understand temporal variations in these leadership dynamics, we analyze two distinct periods: 1996–2010 and post-2010.
The heterogeneity results are shown in Table 7. Columns 1 and 4 present the results for the entire period (1996–2022) for developed and developing countries, respectively. The findings reveal divergent patterns between country groups. For developed countries (Columns 1–3), leaders have historically succeeded in expanding professional staff from their home countries, though this effect weakens and becomes less significant after 2010. In contrast, developing countries demonstrate an increasing trend in leadership impact on representation. Notably, the marginal impact of leadership becomes statistically significant in the post-2010 period, highlighting the growing influence of developing countries in shaping global governance.Footnote 18
Table 7. Heterogeneity of developed and developing countries’ influence

*** Standard errors (in parentheses) are clustered at the dyadic (i.e., country-IO) level: ***p < 0.01, **p < 0.05, *p < 0.1. The variable leadership and other control variables are lagged by 1 year.
4.7. Spillover effect of leadership
Amid growing calls for more equitable representation reforms, the traditional influence of great powers has been challenged by rising developing countries. As shown in Table 7, there appears to be a decreasing trend in the role of developed countries. Yet concerns remain that some donors continue to shape staffing outcomes through more indirect means. For instance, as discussed earlier, donor countries have broadened staff sponsorship programs to include candidates from partner countries in the Global South—a move that enhances legitimacy on the surface but may also serve to consolidate influence through transnational patronage. In this section, we empirically examine these practices and test the fourth hypothesis: a country tends to gain greater professional staff representation in IOs when its connected countries hold leadership positions.
We first measure diplomatic connections based on UNGA voting records (Voeten et al., Reference Voeten, Strezhnev and Bailey2009). Specifically, we construct a variable leadership_ally, which capture whether a country’s diplomatically connected partners have nationals serving as leaders in IOs. We aim to investigate whether the leadership of such partners enhances a country’s staff representation, even when the country itself lacks nationals in leadership roles. Specifically, we define the variables as follows. For a country-IO dyad at period t,
$leadership\_connectio{n_{c,i,t}}$ is defined as
\begin{equation}\begin{array}{*{20}{c}}
{leadership\_connectio{n_{c,i,t}} = \mathop \sum \limits_n connectio{n_{c,n}} \times leadershi{p_{n,i,t}},\ }
\end{array}\end{equation} where
$connectio{n_{c,n}}$ captures the diplomatic closeness between country c and country n based on UNGA voting data. We use the Affinity Score in 2010 from the World Economics and Politics Dataverse (B. A. T. Graham and Tucker, Reference Graham and Tucker2019)Footnote 19 as a measure of diplomatic closeness between two countries. Since the score ranges from −1 to 1, we apply a monotonic linear transformation by subtracting the minimum value and dividing by the range, so that the rescaled values fall between 0 and 1 is the key explanatory variable in the benchmark analysis, a binary variable indicating whether country n has at least one leader in IO i at time t. Therefore,
$leadership\_connectio{n_{c,i,t}}$ captures the implicit stake a country has in an organization through its diplomatically connected partners.
The first column of Table 8 shows a positive association between a country’s professional staff representation and the presence of its connected states in IO leadership. Column 2 further indicates that this relationship is particularly evident among developing countries.Footnote 20 That is, when an diplomatically connected partner of a developing country holds an influential position within an IO, the developing country tends to have greater professional staff representation. This pattern is consistent with our theoretical expectation that IO leadership can generate spillover effects that reflect broader interstate competition within IOs.
Table 8. spillover effect of connected countries’ leadership

*** Standard errors (in parentheses) are clustered at the dyadic (i.e., country-IO) level: ***p < 0.01, **p < 0.05, *p < 0.1. All the explanatory variables are lagged by 1 year.
An alternative explanation, however, is that IO leaders may favor individuals who share their language or cultural background, facilitating closer and more efficient working relationships. While we do not dismiss this possibility, we maintain that our core argument regarding strategic behavior among allied states remains valid regardless of whether cultural or linguistic affinity plays a role. To empirically examine this contention, we construct a new variable,
$leadership\_connectio{n_{c,i,t}}\left( {different\_language} \right)$, which captures the degree of leadership held by a country’s non–same-language connections, as measured by the intensity of their relational ties. Specifically, language similarity is measured using data from the CEPII database (Conte et al., Reference Conte, Cotterlaz and Mayer2022), where two countries are coded as having a common language if at least 9% of the population in both countries speak the same language. Accordingly, we modify the original leadership variable
$leadershi{p_{n,i,t}}$ in Equation (2) such that it equals 1 only when country n holds a leadership position in IO i at time t, and country c and country n do not share a common language. The underlying intuition behind using this new explanatory variable is straightforward: if IO leaders recruit staff from allied countries speaking different languages, the behavior is unlikely to be driven purely by convenience or cultural affinity. Columns 3 and 4 of Table 8 support this argument and provide additional evidence for our hypothesis.
Notice that geographic proximity likely plays an important role in shaping connections among countries. As an alternative measure of country connections, we use membership in regional organizations. Specifically, we consider five regional organizations: the European Union (EU), the African Union (AU), the Organization of American States (OAS), the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Countries belonging to the same regional organization are treated as connected. We exclude the United Kingdom from the EU and Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela from the OAS, as these countries have either withdrawn or abandoned their membership. Countries not belonging to any of the five organizations are excluded from the analysis. Using a method similar to Equation (2), we construct a new variable, which captures the extent to which a country’s regional partners have nationals serving as leaders in IOs.
The regression results are reported in columns 5 and 6 of Table 8. They show that when regional partners hold leadership positions in IOs, countries in the same regional organization experience greater staff representation, even if they themselves have no nationals in leadership roles. This effect is statistically significant for both the full sample of countries across the five regional organizations and the subsample of developing countries.
These results suggest an evolution in how influence is exercised in IOs. Rather than maintaining direct control through their own nationals, leadership-holding countries appeared to be adopting more nuanced strategies by leveraging influence through their networks of relational ties. This pattern indicates a potential shift from overt to more subtle mechanisms of institutional influence in global governance structures. Therefore, the increased staff representation of some developing countries, facilitated by their connected partner countries, should not be interpreted as evidence of a broader rise in influence across all the developing countries. In other words, our findings do not rule out the possibility that many still face institutional barriers and path-dependent processes that favor established powers (Parízek and Stephen, Reference Parízek and Stephen2021b; Lam and Fung, Reference Lam and Fung2024).
4.8. Impact of the national distribution of IO staff on organizational performance
What are the normative implications of IO staff politicization? In this section, we offer a preliminary analysis of how the national distribution of IO staff affects organizational performance. We draw on data from the Performance of International Institutions Project (PIIP), which compiles performance assessments of 54 major IOs conducted by five national governments (Australia, Denmark, the Netherlands, Sweden, and the United States) and the Multilateral Organization Performance Assessment Network (MOPAN). Lall (Reference Lall2023) constructs composite scores of organizational performance for a set of IOs using these sources. We adopt performance index of Lall (Reference Lall2023) as our primary measure of organizational performance, which we denote as IO_performance.
Our key explanatory variable is the Herfindahl index of staff nationality concentration, calculated separately for P-level and G-level employees in each organization within our working sample. The Herfindahl index is defined as the sum of squared shares of staff by nationality; a higher value indicates a more homogeneous distribution of staff nationalities. We match these concentration indices with the PIIP performance data. We successfully match performance indicators for 14 IOs in our working sample. These include: FAO, IFAD, ILO, IOM, ITC, UNDP, UNESCO, UNFPA, UNHCR, UNICEF, UNIDO, UNRWA, WFP, and WHO.
In our regression analysis, we include a set of control variables as specified in the PIIP codebook: (1) Ln(IO_income): the natural logarithm of organizational income (Logged income in millions of US dollars); (2) Ln(IO_expenditures): the natural logarithm of organizational expenditures (Logged expenditures in millions of US dollars); (3) Ln(IO_age): the natural logarithm of organizational age; (4) Policy_autonomy: an index measuring the organization’s capacity for agenda-setting, avoidance of state vetoes, and access to non-governmental funding. This variable is based on survey data from senior IO officials compiled by Lall (Reference Lall2023) (De facto policy autonomy); (5) Member_discrepancy: the standard deviation of member states’ foreign policy ideal points, reflecting internal heterogeneity (Variance of member states’ foreign policy “ideal points”). As is shown in Table 9, the staff concentration is negatively associated with the performance of IO. Given data limitations, the number of observations in the regressions reported in Table 9 is scarce. We therefore regard this result as only suggestive.
Table 9. Staff concentration and IO performance

*** Standard errors (in parentheses) are clustered at the IO level: ***p < 0.01, **p < 0.05, *p < 0.1. All the explanatory variables are lagged by 1 year.
5. Discussion and conclusion
Our study illustrates that leadership in IOs is not merely symbolic, serving as an organizational conduit that reallocates professional opportunities along national lines. Our study, grounded in common agency theory, provides comprehensive empirical evidence that leadership positions in IOs systematically enhance the professional representation of the leader’s country. Our findings suggest that staffing is shaped by national political relationships alongside, and not exclusively by, merit-based criteria, an interpretation consistent with prior accounts of politically patterned access inside international bureaucracies (Kleine, Reference Kleine2013; Parízek, Reference Parízek2017; Novosad and Werker, Reference Novosad and Werker2019).
What makes this influence tractable is the set of organizational levers through which it travels. The evidence aligns with the channels theorized earlier, namely voluntary (earmarked) financing and intensified IO–state engagement, through which political relationships become embedded in personnel outcomes (Stone, Reference Stone2011; Graham, Reference Graham2015; Bayram and Graham, Reference Bayram and Graham2017; Reinsberg, Reference Reinsberg2017; Hall and Woods, Reference Hall and Woods2018). None of this impugns the professionalism of individual staff. Rather, it shows that access to opportunity can be politically structured even when formal procedures are merit-based.
These patterns carry implications for representation, legitimacy, and effectiveness. Formal commitments to merit and balance are necessary but insufficient when staffing opportunities flow through financial and engagement ties. Visible concentration of posts among particular nationalities risks eroding perceptions of fairness and the impartiality of the international civil service (Badache, Reference Badache2020; Parízek and Stephen, Reference Parízek and Stephen2021a). Because professional staff interpret mandates and shape implementation, who is hired matters for which preferences and problem definitions travel inside organizations (Heinzel, Reference Heinzel2022; Clark and Zucker, Reference Clark and Zucker2024; Lang et al., Reference Lang, Wellner and Kentikelenis2025).
The distributional pattern matters for organizational performance as well. In our results, higher national concentration in the professional ranks is associated with lower scores on our performance proxy, net of confounders and fixed effects. While the evidence is only suggestive due to data limitation, the association is compatible with mechanisms emphasized in organizational research, such as narrower information channels, reduced internal contestation, and coordination bottlenecks that can accompany concentrated staffing.
Furthermore, the spillover effect we characterize has broader implications than it may initially appear. Interactions and bargains among countries make the politics of IO staffing more complex, so the impact of leadership does not follow a uniform pattern. Staffing gains can be substantial when a country has strong ties to the state holding leadership positions. In contrast, countries with weak connections, especially developing countries that lack concrete links to major powers, experience little or no benefit. In other words, a country’s representation in an IO also depends on the web of relationships among states, rather than solely on its own characteristics such as wealth or international status. In addition, our findings highlight that focusing only on average effects across all countries can be misleading, since this can obscure the fact that some countries gain much more than others.
Another important implication of our findings is that it draws attention to the importance of understanding IOs’ internal governance from multiple levels. Professional norms govern individual recruitment and conduct at the micro level, even as political processes indirectly structure the distribution of opportunities across roles and units at the meso level. In other words, merit-based hiring and impartial performance can coexist with politically patterned access. Recognizing this duality helps explain why staffing politics persist without overt rule violations and why reforms aimed solely at formal procedures often underperform (Kleine, Reference Kleine2013; Parízek, Reference Parízek2017; Novosad and Werker, Reference Novosad and Werker2019).
Taken together, these findings also suggest practical lessons for institutional design in global governance. Because financing and engagement are operative levers, reforms that ignore them are unlikely to shift outcomes. Greater transparency around earmarked contributions, clearer firewalls between externally sponsored placements and core hiring tracks, auditable disclosure of sponsorships, regular unit-level reporting on nationality distributions, and periodic review of concentration risks would better align staffing practices with organizational legitimacy and performance goals (Stone, Reference Stone2011; Graham, Reference Graham2015; Reinsberg, Reference Reinsberg2017).
Despite these insights into global governance, our study has several limitations that merit consideration. Some relationships are difficult to observe directly, and our measures rely on the best available proxies. We cannot fully distinguish effects by seniority or functional salience with current data, and dynamic effects may unfold over longer tenures than our observation windows capture. An important open question concerns the relative weight of the financing and engagement channels and the motivations behind leadership-linked appointments; qualitative evidence or recruitment-round microdata would help adjudicate these mechanisms. A second open question is whether staffing changes translate into tangible policy influence in agenda-setting and implementation, and how organizational features, such as mandates, decision rules, and internal culture, mediate these effects across organizations. Future work could examine how politicized staffing patterns shape IO policy outcomes, drawing on contexts with more detailed organizational information and micro-level personnel data so as to provide richer empirical regularities useful for theory development.
Supplementary material
The supplementary material for this article can be found at https://doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2025.10056. To obtain replication material for this article, https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/7JKZHP.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank the handling editor, Gabriele Spilker, and the anonymous reviewers for their constructive comments and suggestions. We are also indebted to Jacque Gao, Xun Pang, Susan Shirk, and the participants of the 10th Tsinghua University Symposium on Frontier Theories and Methods in Political Science, Conference on Governance in China and Beyond at Duke Kunshan University for their helpful comments and discussions.
Funding Statement
We acknowledge the support from the National Natural Science Foundation of China (grant numbers: 72104125, 72474115, 72074133).



