Part I has demonstrated the importance of migration for the Community project of post-war growth as the main reason behind the attribution of rights to migrants. Most importantly, the analysis unveiled an aligned approach on the part of the Community institutions regarding the attribution of rights to all migrants, shaped by an understanding that both Community and TCN migrants contributed with their labour to the development of the Member States, and because of this they were to enjoy equal treatment rights. The balancing of economic and social considerations behind the regulation of migration at that time was explicit, uniform, and clear-cut. Sustainability did not exist as concept for the greater part of the period examined. However, economic and social considerations driving the regulation of migration are identical to what the economic and social pillars of sustainability would demand, namely pursuing economic and social development by the regulation of migration.
During the period examined in this part, the approach to EU and TCN migrants was differentiated. The political ambition behind the transformation of the EU framework after the Single European Act framed an institutional discourse that emphasized the special status of EU migrants as EU citizens, and the lesser status of TCN migrants, whose status and rights were left in the realm of intergovernmental cooperation. However, a closer investigation of archival material and case-law undertaken in this part proves that the need to balance the economic and social objectives of the Treaties continued to appear and condition the rights of all migrants. Essentially this part shows that economic and social sustainability objectives continued to exist as the end to be served by the regulation of migration, even when the prevalent institutional discourse highlighted different considerations. Adding another building block to the historical investigation, this part demonstrates that while the EU sustainable migration objective is a recent one, its underlying considerations have constantly found their way in EU secondary law and case-law.
The late 1980s and early 1990s found the Community up against diverse challenges. The growth of the 1950s and 1960s was long forgotten, while global changes pointed to the potential of bigger population movements towards the Community Member States. Specifically, increased unemployment and political instability pointed to potential movements from the Mediterranean.Footnote 1 In addition to this, the fall of the Soviet Union and the process of accession of the Central and Eastern European Countries (CEECs) pointed to the potential of increase in labour migration.Footnote 2 This was at a time when the Community industries were not in need of extra labour, and the Member States continued to employ the restrictive policies that began in the 1970s in order to permanently halt migration.Footnote 3 Towards the mid-1990s, growth began to slowly resume, and this created extra demand for labour in specific sectors.Footnote 4 In parallel, a new challenge appeared – that of an ageing population which would no longer be able to support the EU development needs.Footnote 5 All these were taking place in a period of continued national unemployment combined with settled migrant communities that were increasingly facing racism and xenophobia.Footnote 6 The need to resort to labour migration to cover labour needs would become complicated for the EU, as it took place in a highly politicized climate around migration,Footnote 7 and a constantly changing legal framework.
In parallel, Member States engaged in an ambitious project of incorporating political elements into their cooperation, and consequently the Treaty framework was repeatedly transformed during the years under review. The Single European Act demanded the completion of the internal market, defined as an area without internal frontiers, in which, among others, free movement of persons should be guaranteed under Article 13. The completion of the internal market moved border controls between Member States to the external frontiers of the EU territory. This first change was followed by the Maastricht Treaty, which came with the grand promise of political integration between Member States. The citizenship of the Union was established, which created a generalized right of nationals of Member States to move and reside freely within the territory of the EU. At the same time, migration policy came into the EU framework under the intergovernmental pillar of Justice and Home Affairs. During these developments, there seemed to be an ambition to create political bonds between nationals of the Member States and the EU, whereas the status of TCNs was to be regulated through intergovernmental cooperation. The changes were completed with the Amsterdam Treaty, which moved migration to the Community pillar and created a specific competence basis for the adoption of legislation on migration under Title IV of the Treaty. The Amsterdam Treaty established the AFSJ, under which measures would be adopted in different areas to guarantee the free movement of persons within EU borders. While the incorporation of migration in the Community framework was welcomed, the creation of an AFSJ was thought to perfect a legal structure whereby Europeans are the primary recipients of rights from the EU legal order and all other persons would come into the picture either by their association with a European citizen or with very limited rights guarantees.Footnote 8
As for scholarly research during this period, it became much more theoretically dense as regards European migrants and their rights. This was due not only to the Treaty changes but also to the Court’s case-law which began to employ grand phrasing and emphasized the importance of the newly created citizenship status, as we will see in Chapter 5. Different scholars emphasized the telos of an ever-closer Union between the peoples of Europe, and engaged with different theoretical frameworks that would permit a conceptualization of this sui generis citizenship.Footnote 9 Others emphasized the continuum and natural evolution between the rights afforded to EU workers and the rights protected by EU citizenship.Footnote 10 At the same time, scholarship also examined the deficiencies of the new status and emphasized a perceived lack of social direction of the internal market.Footnote 11 In addition, some authors reflected on more specific exclusions (on the basis of gender, nationality, class) which, in their view, EU law privileged.Footnote 12
Research on TCN migrants and their rights under EU law remained much more doctrinal and to a large extent descriptive.Footnote 13 Authors engaged in case-law analyses on the right to family reunification of EU migrants and on Association Agreements.Footnote 14 What is more, different scholars engaged with the deficits and potentials of the changing Treaty framework for TCN migrants, and criticized the intergovernmental elements of cooperation on migration.Footnote 15 Finally, some engaged with the question of whether and how the EU could extend free movement rights to TCNs and to create a coherent migration policy.Footnote 16 In this context, different authors mapped the rights TCN migrants enjoyed under the different legal frameworks (family reunification for Community workers, Turkish workers, and other Association Agreements); they pointed out inconsistencies and legal conflicts arising from the treatment of TCNs under Community law and proposed different solutions.Footnote 17
Against this backdrop, this part develops as follows. Chapter 5 presents the institutional ambition to disconnect economic objectives from the exercise of free movement rights, in an attempt to create a political community of European nationals. It shows how this ambition was reflected in the case-law, underlining that economic considerations were never detached from secondary law. Chapter 6 focuses on the regulation of migration from third countries. The usual lens for this period in the scholarship is a critique of intergovernmentalism and of the creation of Fortress Europe. The examination undertaken in the section does not contest that. However, the analysis draws a more nuanced picture and demonstrates that the Commission and the Council had divergent approaches as to the regulation of migration and its relation to the economic and social objectives of the EU. Finally, Chapter 7 evaluates the case-law on Association Agreements and highlights the Court’s significance as an actor of European integration. This approach of the Court was not well received. Rather, Member States tried to employ more conservative wording in the Agreements concluded during this period precisely with the purpose of avoiding the application of the case-law. The chapter finally examines EU action in enlargement and association with European developed countries, where the extension of rights to migrants was easily accepted.
Overall, the period under review in this part adds to the evolution of EU law by the element of differentiation. Unlike the previous period, where there were seeds for a common single migration policy that would cover all migrants, now a mix of economic recession and political ambition shaped differentiation. This differentiation came with the aspiration of making something more of the EU migrants, overcoming the function of their labour and shaping a set of rights they should enjoy as members of a new political community of a kind. That aspiration was matched by disagreement on what to do with other migrants and on how to regulate their rights. This disagreement blocked the proactive stance of the Commission, that had a specific vision of how migrants could play a part, even in this political project, and how their rights could be aligned with the economic and social objectives of the EU, thereby service economic and social sustainability. Both ambitions were undermined due to diverse historical events experienced in the new millennium, as will be shown in Part III.
5.1 Economic Considerations Limiting Residence Rights
The regulation of residence and movement of EU migrants was subject to many changes during the period under examination. During the early 1990s, the Commission highlighted that the citizenship provisions shaped a political link between Member States nationals and the EU with the purpose of fostering a sense of identity with the EU.Footnote 1 In this regard, the Commission emphasized that the rights EU migrants already enjoyed under Community law were now ‘fundamentally altered’.Footnote 2 It suggested that Articles 8 and 8a EC Treaty combined could directly generate entry and residence rights for EU nationals, even though they were supplementary and could not replace the more specific legal bases for residence found in the Treaties.Footnote 3 The relevant Treaty bases, however, restricted residence to people engaged in economic activity.Footnote 4 As a result, during the first years after the introduction of the EU citizen status, residence rights for EU migrants continued to be regulated by sectoral Directives which predated the adoption of the citizenship status in primary law. This section analyses the relevant secondary law framework and different suggestions to amend it, before turning to the case-law of the period in Section 5.2. The analysis shows the tension behind the ambition to create a shared political identity and the economic unsustainability of extending social rights without limitations to all EU migrants.
The first time the Commission tried to disconnect residence rights under secondary law from economic activity was in 1979. The proposal was put forward under Article 3(c) of the EEC Treaty, which provided for the abolition of obstacles to free movement of persons, in the context of the first discussion on more political aspirations for the Union.Footnote 5 The attribution of residence rights under the relevant initiative would allow Member States to require proof of sufficient resources as a condition for residence.Footnote 6 This proposal was on the table for almost a decade, during which time the Council avoided discussing the matter.Footnote 7 From archival material, it appears that Member States could not reach an agreement on the parts of the proposal that could pose risks to their national economies. Among the points of contestation were the requirement of resources for students, the difference between insurance systems of Member States, and the legal basis and scope of application of the Directive.Footnote 8 The attribution of a general residence right to all EU migrants could pose risks to national economies, especially because of the various social rights such migrants would enjoy in the different social security and social assistance systems of the Member States. Such a generalization carried the risk of making the EU free movement system economically unsustainable.Footnote 9
In parallel, the case-law of the Court on Regulation 1612/68 substantially extended the categories of EU migrants falling under the scope of free movement as workers, as well as the rights they were to enjoy under secondary law.Footnote 10 Due to this, in 1988 the Commission proposed an amendment to Regulation 1612/68 and Directive 68/360 aimed at extending their provisions on equal treatment and family reunification, thereby promoting the social objectives of the Community.Footnote 11 The Council could not reach an agreement on the matter.Footnote 12 The Commission presented another proposal in 1998, framed in terms of promoting competitiveness and the economic objectives of the Union.Footnote 13 Still, the Council failed to discuss the relevant proposal.
With the impetus created by the Single European Act, the Commission presented three sectoral proposals in order to extend residence rights to students, retired persons, and others not engaged in economic activity. For the Commission, the extension of residence rights should be viewed in light of Article 8A EC Treaty, which established a general right of residence to the Member States nationals.Footnote 14 During the negotiation of these instruments, Member States were concerned that an unrestricted extension of residence rights would lead to migration flows solely driven by financial considerations due to the lack of harmonization of social security and social assistance systems.Footnote 15 To avoid the perceived negative economic impact of such type of migration, a principle was put forward, which still determines the residence rights of EU migrants – that is, that whoever wishes to reside in a country other than their own should not constitute an unreasonable burden on the public finances of the host country.Footnote 16 In line with this, the relevant Directives provided for the attribution of residence rights to EU migrants who could demonstrate sufficient resources and insurance, so as not to become a burden for the social security systems of the Member States.Footnote 17 These texts continued to regulate residence rights of EU migrants until the adoption of Directive 2004/38, while Regulation 1612/68 was not amended but rather codified to incorporate amendments caused to it by other instruments over the years.Footnote 18 At this stage, it should be noted that there was no single Community view on how to proceed with EU migrants’ rights even under the changed institutional setting, especially because of the need to safeguard the economic and social sustainability of the EU.
The political aspirations were reflected in Treaty changes and various soft-law instruments, but the Council was not able to agree on how migration rights could be generalized without risks to national economies. The overview of the proposals by the Commission and their deflection by the Council are indicative of the constant motivation to safeguard the economic objective of growth. The Council preferred to negotiate different instruments for different categories of movement while maintaining safeguard clauses in all of them. Contribution to the economy could no longer be set as the reason behind attribution of rights to EU migrants. The aspiration to shape a true political community would not justify that. However, this political aspiration was matched with the constant historical aspiration of the EU project to promote growth and progress. This growth and progress could be guaranteed by excluding from the attribution of rights those EU migrants who could negatively affect growth. Relatedly, we see the goal of economic sustainability as conveyed in the primary law objective of harmonious and balanced development of economic activities behind the limitation of the rights of EU migrants. In Section 5.2, we will see how the Court approached the relevant limitations in the case-law by extensive invocation of primary law.
5.2 The Judicial Aspiration to Overcome the Economic Foundations
During the period under review, the Court consistently invoked the broad framing of primary law to consolidate the rights of EU migrants beyond the limits prescribed in secondary law analysed in Section 5.1. This was celebrated in scholarship as an indication of the potential of EU citizenship as an independent status, disconnected from statist limitations.Footnote 19 In the relevant case-law, the Court did not invalidate the limitations prescribed in secondary law. Rather, while acknowledging the economic considerations that preclude the unlimited enjoyment of rights by EU migrants, it tried to expand protection by focusing on how such limits should be reviewed in light of the social and political objectives of primary law that established the legal status of EU citizenship.
First, in Martínez Sala, the Court suggested that EU migrants lawfully residing in a Member State should enjoy equal treatment on access to family benefits. The Court could not establish if Martínez Sala fell under the category of worker or self-employed and, hence, whether she enjoyed an EU law residence right.Footnote 20 Despite this, the Court held that when an EU migrant lawfully resided in another Member State, their situation fell within the scope of EU law by virtue of the provisions on EU citizenship.Footnote 21 This is regardless of whether the legal basis of their residence rights is from EU or national law. As a result, EU migrants lawfully resident in another Member State could rely on equal treatment under Article 6 of the EC Treaty in order to claim family benefits and were not limited to enjoying such rights only as social advantages under secondary law on free movement of workers.Footnote 22
The Court went even further in Baumbast, where it held that EU migrants could rely directly on Article 18(1) EC Treaty as a basis for residence rights in a Member State. In that case, Baumbast did not satisfy the conditions of secondary law to claim a right of residence due to lack of comprehensive insurance,Footnote 23 even though he did have sufficient resources. The Court suggested that residence rights under secondary law can be limited due to legitimate interests of Member States. Such a legitimate interest would be avoiding the negative economic effects of migration by not granting residence rights to EU migrants who became an unreasonable burden in light of Recital 4 of Directive 90/364.Footnote 24 The Court further held that the limitations imposed due to such legitimate interests should comply with the principle of proportionality and should be subject to judicial review for compliance with the rights attributed to individuals under Article 18 EC.Footnote 25
The Court evaluated the limitation to the residence rights of Baumbast as a limitation based on the legitimate interests of Member States. However, this limitation was based on the requirements of EU secondary law and should rather be perceived as a consideration of the EU legislature, in light of the attempt to minimize the effects of free movement to the project of growth. Since sufficiency of resources does not appear as an exception to the free movement rule, but rather as the condition behind the attribution of free movement rights under secondary law, it is problematic to suggest that judicial review refers to the compliance of state action and the legitimate interests of Member States with primary law. Rather, the Court could have considered whether such limitations, as expressed in the Directive conditioning the right to reside, are in compliance with primary law, and whether secondary law should be reviewed against primary law in light of the objectives it seeks to pursue.
In any case, at this stage of evolution of the case-law, scholars suggested that this approach was employed by the Court to consolidate the rights of EU migrants in line with the Maastricht Treaty and to limit the restrictions of the residence Directives adopted before the establishment of the citizenship status.Footnote 26 The Court carried on with similar interpretations in Grzelczyk concerning the rights of residence of a student who claimed a subsistence benefit as a former worker.Footnote 27 In this case, the Court developed a formula, which has been repeated in the case-law and quoted in literature with great hopes.Footnote 28 Therein the Court held that
Union citizenship is destined to be the fundamental status of nationals of the Member States, enabling those who find themselves in the same situation to enjoy the same treatment in law irrespective of their nationality, subject to such exceptions as are expressly provided for.Footnote 29
This quote has been seen as setting the backdrop against which the rights of EU migrants should be developed, in line with a new fundamental status, disentangled from economic considerations.Footnote 30 This decoupling of economic considerations and migrant movement in the EU does not appear throughout the rest of the judgment, where the Court repeated that Member States could withdraw the residence permit of an EU migrant if they found that, in having recourse to social assistance, the said migrant no longer had sufficient resources, which is the precondition of their residence right.Footnote 31 The greater protection for EU migrants in this case actually lay in the fact that the Court suggested that expulsion measures could not be an automatic consequence of having recourse to social assistance.Footnote 32 By shaping a system in a way which limits the rights of residence to holders of sufficient resources, while also providing access to social assistance under equal treatment conditions, the economic and social objectives of primary law are channelled into secondary law. As the Court held,
Whilst Article 4 of Directive 93/96 does indeed provide that the right of residence is to exist for as long as beneficiaries of that right fulfil the conditions laid down in Article 1, the sixth recital in the directive’s preamble envisages that beneficiaries of the right of residence must not become an unreasonable burden on the public finances of the host Member State. Directive 93/96, like Directives 90/364 and 90/365, thus accepts a certain degree of financial solidarity between nationals of a host Member State and nationals of other Member States, particularly if the difficulties which a beneficiary of the right of residence encounters are temporary.Footnote 33
Jesse and Carter have rightly suggested that, in this finding, the Court introduced a distinction between reasonable and unreasonable burden, with the latter capable of breaking the bond of financial solidarity between a host state and a migrant.Footnote 34 Trojani and Bidar followed a similar inconsistent line.Footnote 35
In Trojani, which concerned the claim of a French national to subsistence benefit in Belgium, the Court confirmed that EU migrants could claim a general residence right under the Treaty citizenship provisions. But at the same time, the Court found that such right to residence could not be established for Trojani, for want of sufficient resources under secondary law.Footnote 36 Contrary to Baumbast, where the EU migrant had sufficient resources and family members with him in the UK, and only lacked comprehensive health insurance, Trojani had none of these. Thus, failure to recognize a residence right was not found to be disproportionate in light of the objective of the Directive to avoid EU migrants becoming a burden.Footnote 37 The Court then repeated the approach of Martínez Sala, where it had held that residence under national law is sufficient to claim equal access to social benefits under Article 12 EC.Footnote 38
Essentially, the Court made a differentiation between EU residence rights, which could be limited for economic reasons, and social rights stemming from EU citizenship, once a migrant finds themselves in a host state. Member States can deny residence to economically inactive EU migrants who do not possess sufficient resources, in order to protect their national welfare systems from collapse. However, if they recognize a right of residence under national law, by virtue of this lawfulness of residence, EU nationals need to be protected under equal treatment provisions, furthering the objectives of social cohesion in the Member States. In this balancing of economic considerations as a limit to residence and social considerations behind treatment in the host state, the Court acknowledged the discretion of Member States to remove EU migrants who had recourse to the social assistance system; however, such removal should not be the automatic consequence of having recourse to the social assistance system.Footnote 39
Bidar continued down the path of this case-law. Bidar was a student, lawfully resident in the UK, where he completed his secondary education and claimed assistance for the tuition fees of his university education. The Court found that the student enjoyed a right of residence on the basis of Article 18 EC and Directive 90/364, even though he did not have sufficient resources and did not fulfil the conditions of secondary law.Footnote 40 In order to qualify how the balancing act should take place between granting social assistance under equal treatment and preserving the public finances of Member States, the Court came up with the criterion of integration. Specifically, it stated that Member States can legitimately grant assistance covering maintenance costs to students who have demonstrated a certain degree of integration in the host state.Footnote 41 In so doing, the Court attempted to ground its expansionist protection of EU citizens’ right in the fact that they were already part of the host societies. It further tried to dissociate access to such benefits from market participation by differentiating from the criterion it applied to the case-law on jobseekers.Footnote 42
Specifically, in cases regarding jobseekers who did not have residence rights under EU law and claimed benefits, the Court had suggested the existence of a genuine link between the applicant and the geographical market in question as a condition to be taken into account in order to examine whether the denial of access to such benefits would be discriminatory for EU migrants under primary law.Footnote 43 In the relevant case-law, it is true, as Jesse and Carter have suggested, that
On paper, these formulas recognized the legitimate interest of Member States to protect the financial sustainability of their welfare system. However, in practice they strengthened the position of individual applicants vis-à-vis the State, again arguably circumventing conditions contained in applicable secondary legislation.Footnote 44
Looking at the legislative and case-law developments of the relevant period, the ambition to reshape the rights of migrants under EU law is clear. The Council was hesitant to operationalize a general residence right without safeguards for national economies, despite the Commission proposals on the table. At the same time, the Court went much further in consolidating the protection of EU migrants under primary law. Besides Baumbast, the Court did not go as far as accepting an EU residence right stemming directly from the Treaties without regard to the conditions of secondary law. Nevertheless, it did use primary law as a ground for review of Member State action, limiting the grounds that could allow removal of EU migrants from a Member State.
At the same time, it extended the application of equal treatment provisions to all EU migrants who had lawful residence in Member States, regardless of whether that residence stemmed from EU or national law. Next to the Court, the Commission had the ambition that ‘Union citizens should, mutatis mutandis, be able to move between Member States on similar terms as nationals of a Member State moving around or changing their place of residence or job in their own country’.Footnote 45 While such an evolution of migrants’ rights eventually materialized as regards entry and residence, this is only the case for a short period of time.Footnote 46 Security of residence and family reunification are not generally applicable to all EU migrants. Rather, economic considerations dictate their limitation only to those who have sufficient resources not to become a burden on the public finances of the host states.
In this way, the economic objectives of the Treaty are pursued by ensuring that free movement rights are not unlimited. Relatedly, economic sustainability dictates the limitation of EU migrants’ rights. The challenges in setting up a system of residence and social rights for EU migrants and the different views of institutional actors accurately reflect the development of a legal framework with due regard to a balance between different objectives of the EU project. In this framework, we see the intention to support the economy by promoting mobility of EU migrants who can positively affect growth (via their work). In parallel to this, the ambition of closer political integration and social cohesion necessitates rights for those who do not negatively impact economic growth (those not being unreasonable burden). Having shown in this chapter that the development of EU migrants’ rights is closely connected to a continuous balancing of the economic and social objectives of EU law, and thus to economic and social sustainability, Chapter 6 will investigate how similar objectives played out in relation to TCN migrants.
6.1 The Complicated Issue of a Harmonized Admission Policy
To achieve the intended objective of an internal market without frontiers, actions were required by both the Community and the Member States in their respective areas of competence.Footnote 1 What this objective would mean for the rights of TCN migrants was not conceived in a uniform way by the Commission and the Council. Specifically, during this period, Member States were coordinating action outside the framework of EU institutions. Intergovernmental meetings of different kinds took place from the late 1980s to the end of the 1990s with the aim of setting an agenda for closer cooperation in what they considered to be sensitive areas.Footnote 2 The discussions that occurred in these groups were shrouded with a veil of secrecy and their outcome contained technical goals related to specific areas.Footnote 3 To the extent that these technical goals were incorporated in Council Resolutions regarding migration, they form part of the analysis that follows.
The Commission’s agenda on migration, in contrast, was more transparent. For this institution, the abolition of border controls should entail the elimination of legal obstacles to access to employment in other Member States and the harmonization of policies on admission.Footnote 4 Aware of the constantly changing socio-economic circumstances, the Commission emphasized the need to create a system that could accommodate the fluctuation of population movements and, relatedly, labour demand and supply in Member States, while promoting the social advancement for legally resident migrants.Footnote 5 Behind this demand lay the acknowledgement that migration had brought economic and cultural benefits to the European societies, and such benefits needed to be preserved.Footnote 6 The approach of the Commission constantly attempted to align migration with economic and social sustainability. Against this background, the analysis will develop as follows.
In Sections 6.1.1 and 6.1.2, we see how social and economic considerations played out in attempts to harmonize admission, before looking at proposals to grant rights to TCN workers in Section 6.2. Unlike the period examined in Chapter 3, where the Community institutions emphasized the need to align the regulation of migration for TCNs to that of EU migrants, the politicization of migration precluded a uniform approach to the regulation of TCN migrants’ rights.
6.1.1 Reactive Approach of the Council Shaped by Economic Fears and Unwillingness to Yield Competence
Already with the adoption of the Single European Act, Member States issued a Declaration, in which they acknowledged their intention to cooperate on matters of entry, movement, and residence of TCNs on the one hand and terrorism, crime, and trafficking on the other hand.Footnote 7 They also added a General Declaration to Article 13 SEA stating that they retained competence on measures related to controlling migration.Footnote 8 In line with this emphasis on national competence, the Council paid little attention to issues of harmonizing admission or granting rights to TCN migrants.
Contrary to the Commission’s emphasis on the need to ensure the development of the EU project via a regulated system of admission shaped around long-term considerations, discussed in detail in Section 6.1.2, the Council adopted a series of resolutions stemming from intergovernmental cooperation, which stressed national competence over admission. The 1994 Resolutions touched upon admission of different categories of migrants. One resolution was issued on migrant workers, while two more followed on self-employed migrants and students.Footnote 9 The Resolution on TCN workers was extremely restrictive. At a time when Member States were struggling with high national unemployment and had no immediate need for migrant workers, the Resolution on TCN workers was restrictive and only addressed the issue of admission for temporary employment.Footnote 10 Member States reserved the right to allow family reunification for people admitted for temporary employment.Footnote 11 Finally, failing to take into account long-term considerations, the resolution emphasized that the restrictive measures on admission implemented in Member States should be maintained and, if necessary, reinforced.Footnote 12 These principles set out to govern admission were meant to represent the stricter standards and were not intended to be relaxed by Member States.Footnote 13
The overall approach of the Council was that Member States should in principle refuse entry to all TCN workers. Entry should only be considered in case of vacancies that could not be filled by Community workers or TCN workers already permanently residing in a Member State.Footnote 14 Such admission was to take place for workers who had specialist qualifications or if there was a temporary manpower shortage in national or Community labour markets, which can affect the operation of employers.Footnote 15 Authorizations to reside should be restricted to employment in a specific job and with a specific employer.Footnote 16 Further, the Resolution provided that admission for temporary employment might be offered to seasonal workers, in strictly controlled numbers, who undertook specific jobs and fulfilled a ‘traditional need’ in a Member State, trainees; frontier workers; and intra-corporate transferees. Finally, the Resolution included restrictions as to the maximum period of admission for employment, arguably to avoid the settlement of migrant workers.Footnote 17 As a result, extension of temporary stays was to be denied to seasonal workers over the six-month employment period, whereas for regular TCN workers, extension of permits could be considered only if the criteria for initial admission continued to be met, that is special skills, vacancies unfilled by Community labour, and jeopardizing the function of an undertaking.
Were economic considerations the reason for such a restrictive policy? While there is not much information in the text of the resolution to draw definite conclusions, if we compare this with the resolutions that followed on self-employed TCNs and students, the economic fears behind labour migration become clear. Specifically, the resolution on self-employed TCNs was not restrictive, and the Council acknowledged therein that the reason for differentiation was that admission of people pursuing independent economic activity added value to the economy of the host state, and thus was, as such, of benefit.Footnote 18 To the extent that the economic activity was of no benefit to Member States, then TCNs should not be admitted.Footnote 19 Similarly, regarding students, the Council emphasized the importance of ensuring that their migration was time-limited and did not turn into permanent immigration via employment.Footnote 20
In times of national contestation of immigration, with local unemployment and the possibility of employing workers already residing in EU territory, the slowly resurging economies of Member States had no need for migration from outside the EU to continue to perform. This restrictive approach, although based on economic considerations, did not take into account the constantly changing economic circumstances and their relation to labour migration. What was missing was a long-term understanding of migration for achieving economic sustainability. Towards the end of the 1990s and in the years following, the Council continued to engage very sporadically with economic migration and the need to harmonize conditions of admission and residence. According to the Tampere Council, such harmonization should take place based on a shared assessment of economic and demographic developments within the EU, as well as the situation in the countries of origin.Footnote 21 It is not clear why the Council did not refer to the fact that the Commission had tried to issue an instrument which would embed such assessment within the EU framework, as we will see in Section 6.1.2.
6.1.2 The Persistent Ambition of the Commission to Align Migration with the Project of Growth
With an emphasis on the need to shape a system that has inbuilt guarantees to ensure the development of the Member States in changing economic and demographic circumstances, the Commission submitted a proposal on a Convention to harmonize the rules of admission of TCNs in 1997.Footnote 22 The proposed Convention was submitted under Article K3(2) of the Maastricht Treaty, and the Commission was prepared to redraft it into a Directive after the entry into force of the Amsterdam Treaty, should there be agreement. Despite its title, the proposal went a lot further than the harmonization of conditions of admission. It suggested a framework for the conclusive regulation migration at EU level by regulating the admission of migrants for employment, independent economic activity, training, study, non-gainful activity, family reunification, and the attribution of progressive rights for long-term residents. This section evaluates how economic and social objectives appeared behind the regulation of admission, while the parts of the proposal that dealt with the attribution of rights to migrant workers form part of the analysis under Section 6.2. The analysis highlights how the Commission envisioned a migration system deeply rooted in economic and social sustainability.
Acknowledging that the economic growth of the 1950s and 1960s would not return, and that the current labour market situation would not allow for a liberal migration policy, the Commission remained realistic as to the fact that the zero immigration target envisioned by Member States could not be realized.Footnote 23 In the explanatory memorandum, the Commission set the Convention within the context of shaping a system that could ensure the continued benefits of migration for the EU development project. This would materialize as follows: admission would be granted to TCN workers if there existed a vacancy that could not be filled by a Community worker or by a legally resident TCN worker. The idea behind this system was to allow the market to function, while avoiding an increase in labour force via migration at a time when unemployment was already a problem in the Member States.Footnote 24
TCN workers would need to have an offer of employment for at least one year in order to enter, and they could be admitted with a maximum four-year authorization at the first entry.Footnote 25 The renewal of their permit would be dependent on the continuation of the conditions behind their initial entry. This meant that, if there was labour demand, migrants would be able to continue to reside, whereas, in the case of recession and unemployment, the conditions of their initial entry would not be fulfilled, and they would not be able to prolong their stay, as their labour would no longer be needed. As for seasonal workers, they would be granted admission for six months, and TCNs who had already been admitted as seasonal workers would have priority in future applications for a seasonal work permit.Footnote 26 The idea behind the prioritization was to counter the risk of seasonal workers staying illegally, as they would benefit from preferential treatment in future applications.Footnote 27 The emphasis on the function of labour migration, and more specifically on a harmonized admission system for achieving the economic objectives of the EU, is also apparent if we compare the admission criteria for workers to those of students and trainees.Footnote 28
Finally, Article 22 of the proposed Convention attested the cost-benefit analysis behind the regulation of admission of TCNs in the EU. Specifically, the Commission suggested that there were certain categories of TCNs who were not covered by the proposal but who should not be denied stay, namely pensioners, people living on capital income, writers receiving royalties, and au pair students. Since such people do not seek to join the labour market and create no economic burden, but are rather consumers and investors, their admission should be considered favourably. This proposal was eventually withdrawn in 2001.Footnote 29
At this point, the Commission issued another proposal under Article 63(3)(a) of the Amsterdam Treaty suggesting that the role of TCNs in the EU labour market had been disregarded in comparison with other areas, related to the single market.Footnote 30 The 2001 proposal sought to regulate the admission of TCNs for the purpose of paid employment and self-employed activities.Footnote 31 The aim was to provide rights to TCN migrants, while allowing Member States to limit admission for economic migration in case of limited labour demand. Specifically, the framework would permit a quick reaction to changing economic and demographic circumstances, and admission would be allowed only if there was an economic need on behalf of the Member States, or if such TCN migrants had a beneficial effect to the national economies.Footnote 32
The proposed Directive provided for equal treatment on a set of basic rights enshrined in Article 11.Footnote 33 More specific provisions regulated the admission of seasonal workers, trans-frontier workers, intra-corporate transferees, trainees, and au pairs.Footnote 34 Further, Article 32 of the proposed Directive introduced a general non-discrimination provision regarding its application, with a wording based on Article 13 EC Treaty and Article 21 CFR.Footnote 35 Under Article 26 of the proposed Directive, Member States were allowed to maintain horizontal measures in addition to the economic needs test to regulate access to the labour market. Such measures would have to be communicated to the Commission, which would evaluate whether they were justified.Footnote 36 Finally, Member States could introduce exceptions for employment in public service under Article 28 of the proposed Directive.Footnote 37 This proposal was eventually withdrawn in 2006, after failing to gather support from the Council, which did not want to address the matter of horizontal admission for all categories of TCN migrants.Footnote 38
In addition to this failed proposal, the Commission had proposed an instrument on admission of students and an instrument on family reunification, which were supposed to be complementary and to meet the Tampere demand for conclusive regulation of migration. Admission for TCNs for reasons other than these (employment, independent economic activity, family reunification, and studies) was deemed as adequately regulated under domestic law due to the low number of people falling in this category.Footnote 39
The regulation of student admission was presented as disconnected from the labour market and linked to social enrichment and the exchanges between cultures promoted by student mobility.Footnote 40 The instrument was much more socially oriented, insofar as it aimed at promoting the EU as a global centre of excellence for education which would support the dissemination of human rights values, and sought to contribute to the objective of promoting quality education under Article 149 EC.Footnote 41 In the end, the Directive adopted covered the admission of students, and Member States were given discretion on extending its application to school pupils, unremunerated trainees, and volunteers. The Directive included general and specific conditions of admission for the different categories.Footnote 42 Regardless of the category, though, comprehensive insurance and sufficient resources during the migrants’ stay were required.Footnote 43
Following the national practice of allowing students to remain in Member States in order to address skilled manpower shortages, the Commission also proposed the possibility of change of status from student to worker without having to leave the host state and reapply.Footnote 44 The proposal provided for the right to work to both students and trainees. In the text adopted, this right was only limited to students under Article 17, which also allowed Member States discretion to determine for how many hours students could be employed. Additionally, Member States were allowed to restrict access to employment for the first year of residence under Article 17(3). Finally, Article 12(2)(a) of the Directive provided that a refusal to renew or withdrawal of a permit could be justified based on a failure on the part of the student to respect the limitations regarding access to economic activities.
Essentially, all the proposals by the Commission to horizontally regulate admission for all the categories of TCN migrants failed. It is not easy to determine with certainty why these proposals were rejected by the Council, that is, whether the issue was the need of Member States to maintain competence on regulating migration, the assumed risks for their economies, or the fact that the proposals, especially the 1997 one, would lead to a system of residence and movement equally extensive to that applicable to EU migrants. In any case, in the period under review, the only measure that was eventually adopted regulated the admission of students, which came with no economic cost, and which still incorporated specific limits to avoid the possibility of students entering the EU to find employment.
6.2 Laying the Groundwork for Fragmentation and Differentiation
Unlike the previous period, the claim for migrant rights in the transformed EU legal order drew on a stronger perception of social objectives and the importance of TCN rights for social cohesion. Equal treatment continued to be the central principle guiding the Community approach to legally resident TCNs during the 1990s.Footnote 45 Both social and economic considerations lay behind the demand for equal treatment. Economic considerations were included with reference to contradictory practices at national level having the potential of distorting the EU labour market, and of social dumping within the EU.Footnote 46 At the same time, the granting of equal rights was perceived as having the potential to lead to an increase in the workforce, and to affect beneficially the social security systems of Member States, which were experiencing difficulties due to negative population growth.Footnote 47 The emphasis on the value of the migrant worker for the project of growth diminished, and equal treatment became part of broader social objectives of the EU through a link between the treatment of migrants and a social agenda for a functioning EU society.Footnote 48
Against this backdrop, equal treatment was demanded in a series of initiatives to advance the rights of migrant workers. In 1995, the Commission suggested extending the personal scope of Article 22 of Regulation 1408/71 to TCNs in order to ensure their right to immediately necessary healthcare when staying for a short time in another Member State.Footnote 49 This proposal did not go through in the adoption of the Regulation 3095/95.Footnote 50 However, social protection for TCN migrants was eventually achieved with the adoption of Regulation 859/2003.Footnote 51 Moreover, TCN workers were included in the scope of the Community Charter on Fundamental Rights of workers, a non-binding instrument, adopted by a declaration in 1989 by all the Member States, with the exception of the UK.Footnote 52 Similarly, the Agreement on Social Policy annexed to the Maastricht Treaty, which sought to set up closer cooperation among all Member States with the exception of the UK, provided that the Council could take action in the area of conditions of employment of legally resident TCNs. Having these in mind, Sections 6.2.1 and 6.2.2 look at the development of family reunification rights and the progressive attribution of rights to long-term residents.
6.2.1 Towards an Autonomous Protection of Migrant Workers’ Families
The attribution of family reunification rights to legally resident TCN migrants was very controversial. Despite the restrictive admission policies prevalent in the 1980s, Member States had maintained exceptions for humanitarian reasons, among which was also family reunification. This led to substantial migration movements, and, as a result, in the 1990s, Member States started to impose tighter conditions for family reunification.Footnote 53 According to an ILO working paper, economic considerations influenced both the law and practice of Member States, as foreign family members were viewed as a potential economic liability, searching for work at times of high unemployment.Footnote 54
During this period, the ad hoc Group on Immigration tabled a resolution on harmonization of national policies on family reunification, which was adopted in Copenhagen in June 1993.Footnote 55 The resolution did not provide much harmonization. Rather, it suggested that family reunification should apply to TCNs legally resident in a Member State ‘on a basis which affords them an expectation of long-term residence’.Footnote 56 The definition of what constituted an expectation of long-term residence was left to national law. Member States were allowed to make entry and stay conditional on the availability of adequate accommodation, sufficient resources, and the existence of health insurance, to avoid placing a burden on public funds.Footnote 57 What is more, the authorization to family members could be made conditional on a continued fulfilment of the criteria for admission for a period, which the Member States would define.Footnote 58 Within a reasonable time following admission, family members could be authorized to stay on an independent basis in accordance with the provisions of national law.Footnote 59 This restrictive approach is in stark contrast with the Opinion of the Economic and Social Committee, which suggested that family reunification should take place under the same conditions as applicable to Community workers.Footnote 60
The 1997 Commission proposal on a Convention regulating the admission of TCN migration discussed earlier, also included provisions on family reunification. In the proposal, the issue was disconnected from economic considerations, and instead it was linked with obligations to consolidate the rights of migrant workers.Footnote 61 Under Article 24 of the proposed Convention, family reunification rights would be granted to TCNs who were resident for one year and had a prospect of valid residence for two more years. Article 28 of the proposed Convention provided that the applicant should have sufficient material conditions to support their family and to ensure that reunification would not place a burden on state expenditure. Article 30 enshrined a limitation for family members’ access to employment for a period of six months, as the admission was granted for human rights reasons and not for economic ones. Finally, Article 31 provided that family members would be entitled to an autonomous right to reside subject to the fulfilment of the specified conditions.
After the failure to adopt the proposed Convention, the Commission issued a specific proposal on family reunification for both TCNs and EU nationals who did not fall under the free movement rules.Footnote 62 By this proposal, the Commission sought to consolidate the protection of family life in the EU, as means to promote the living conditions of everyone in the territory, rather than specific migration-related rights. Specifically, the harmonization of family reunification was suggested because of the function of family for integration in the host state.Footnote 63 By analogy to family reunification rights for EU nationals, the Commission suggested that fair treatment of TCNs was ‘indispensable’ if they were to lead a normal life in the host states.Footnote 64 However, this horizontal regulation of family life for both TCN and EU nationals who had not moved from their state of origin was not accepted by the Council.Footnote 65
Eventually, the Family Reunification Directive was adopted in 2003.Footnote 66 It applies to all legally resident TCNs and excludes all migrants whose status is considered uncertain or temporary.Footnote 67 Under the current framework, the right to family reunification for TCNs is regulated and harmonized to promote economic and social cohesion under Article 3 TEU, as acknowledged in Recital 4 of the Directive. Even though Article 3 TEU is not explicitly referred to, the recital mentions the central role of family reunification in the creation of sociocultural stability and integration for TCNs, and explains that such outcome serves to promote economic and social cohesion as fundamental objectives stated in the Treaty. The Directive creates a right to family reunification for the nuclear family of TCN migrants. The 1999 proposal for this Directive provided for a larger scope of family members entitled to reunification.Footnote 68 This was met with resistance by the Council, which suggested as a compromise that the Family Reunification Directive should create an obligation on the part of the Member States for family reunification for members of the nuclear family, and allow discretion for the rest.Footnote 69 Thus, Article 4 of the Family Reunification Directive provides family reunification rights for the spouse of the TCN and the minor children (including adopted children) of the TCN or the spouse as long as the TCN has custody and the children are dependent on them. The age of majority for reunification of children is set by national law and the children must not be married. Apart from the spouse and minor children, Member States have discretion to authorize the reunification of other family members under Article 4(2) and (3) of the Directive. Similarly, the provisions as to the age of children were revised as Member States requested room for manoeuvre to examine whether children met the conditions of integration beyond a certain age before authorizing family reunification.Footnote 70
The Directive also provides family members with rights that are dependent on economic considerations. All family members enjoy entry and residence rights in the host Member State.Footnote 71 The Directive also provides rights of access to vocational guidance. This should not come as a surprise, since access to vocational guidance means that family members will be ready and trained for work when labour demand might arise. They should indeed eventually enjoy access to employment. However, the Directive allows Member States to limit such right for up to twelve months, during which they may examine the situation of their labour market, and they may also restrict access to the employment market for the dependent relatives and adult children entitled to reunification under Article 4(2). This type of limitation of family members’ right to access the labour market should also not come as a surprise. The purpose served by such restrictions is the following: family reunification is introduced as a social measure to ensure better living conditions for the migrant worker. If family members are allowed to access the labour market with no restriction, this has the potential of negatively impacting the economy at times when there is no labour demand.
Finally, the Directive provides for the possibility that family members establish an autonomous right of residence.Footnote 72 Specifically, such an autonomous right shall be granted after maximum five years of residence in the host state. Member States are allowed to limit the autonomous rights of the spouse or unmarried children in the case of breakdown of the family relationship. They have the discretion of granting such a right to adult children and dependent relatives under Article 4(2) and the possibility to providing it in cases of widowhood, divorce, separation, or death of first-degree relatives in the direct ascending or descending line, as well as in cases of particularly difficult circumstances. Family members of workers also enjoy a set of procedural rights, which have been consolidated in the case-law.Footnote 73
The Directive includes limitations to the right to entry and grounds for non-renewal of the permit in case the conditions set by the Directive are no longer satisfied, in case of fraud, public policy threat, fake marriage, or marriage of convenience; in case family members no longer have a real relationship with the sponsor; in case the sponsor has no right to reside; and, finally, in case the sponsor does not have sufficient resources.Footnote 74 The requirement of sufficient resources applies as a condition of entry but is explicitly repeated as a reason to withdraw the permit upon application for renewal.Footnote 75 The difference is that, on renewal, Member States can also take into account the potential contribution of the family member.
Thus, in the field of family reunification, while economic considerations appeared behind restrictive national policies, the Commission’s approach was socially oriented. Essentially, the demand for securing rights to family reunification was aligned with a need to protect the human rights of people residing in EU territory and fit with the promotion of the social objectives of the EU project.Footnote 76 This is unlike family reunification for EU migrants, where the stated objective of regulation was to support the migrant worker in the performance of their task, as discussed in Chapter 2. At the same time, economic considerations condition the attribution of rights to migrant families to ensure that the family members will not pose risks to Member States’ economy. This is achieved through the introduction of requirements related to sufficient resources of the sponsor as a precondition for enjoyment of the family reunification right. The economic conditioning of the relevant rights has been interpreted in a restrictive way by the Court, as we will see in Chapter 9. Overall, in the regulation of family reunification, we see a shift that places migration closer to the social objectives of the EU, which were redefined during this period and were consolidated in the post-Amsterdam framework. At the same time, it is clear that the parallel pursuit of economic and social sustainability also conditions the attribution and limitation of migrants’ rights in this field.
6.2.2 From a By-product of Economic Progress to a Means of Integration: The Case for Progressive Attribution of Rights
During this period, the rights of legally resident TCNs appear in concrete legislative proposals. As should be expected at this stage of the analysis, the ambition to attribute rights to TCN migrants was subject to conflicting ideas between different actors. Specifically, the Commission suggested the extension of free movement and access to employment across all Member States for resident migrants.Footnote 77 The need to extend freedom of movement to TCN migrants was also supported by the Parliament and the Economic and Social Committee, with reference to the contribution of TCN workers to the development of the EU project, and to the aim of creating an EU labour market.Footnote 78 Regarding the Commission’s position, it appears that the internal market logic lay behind such a demand. Absent any differentiation between EU and TCN workers’ contribution to growth, there was a demand to grant access to employment in another Member State to the latter.Footnote 79 In this context, the Commission envisioned the priority of legally resident TCNs after EU nationals in accessing employment in other Member States.Footnote 80 That would be the first step, while a 1994 Commission Communication suggested a second step of allowing TCN workers to enter another Member State to respond to offers of employment.Footnote 81 Leaving some leeway to the intergovernmental cooperation taking place at the ad hoc group on migration, the Commission suggested that it would pursue the conditions of movement in the EU for legal migrants if the relevant initiatives did not move forward.Footnote 82
Free movement of TCNs did not materialize at that time, but instead the Commission submitted a proposal that would grant rights to legally resident TCNs to travel within the Community.Footnote 83 The attribution of a right to travel was based on Article 100 EC, which provided for the coordination of national laws in matters affecting the functioning of the common market. While such a right would advance the position of TCNs, the central aim was to ensure the full economic benefits of a single market. As the Commission suggested in the relevant proposal, such a right to travel between the Member States for short stays was both useful from an economic point of view and legally necessary.Footnote 84 For the Commission, it did not make sense to have labour demand that can be filled internally, that is, by other EU workers and TCN workers resident in other Member States, and to still preclude TCNs from such employment, which would lead to more external recruitment.
At the same time, security of residence became a demand related to the social advancement of the migrant, and hence there was call for a common permanent residence scheme granted after a fixed period across the Member States, as well as for the progressive attribution of extra rights to settled migrants.Footnote 85 While the Council seemed to recognize the social significance of integration of legally resident TCNs, its approach to granting rights to long-term resident TCN workers remained restrictive.Footnote 86 In a 1996 Resolution, the Council held that long-term residents should be defined as TCN migrants who have stayed in the territory of a Member State for a period of ten years.Footnote 87 While the resolution provided that Member States should ensure security of residence for at least ten more years to long-term resident workers, it suggested that when an application was made to this end, Member States should be able to assess whether the applicant had a certain and stable level of means of subsistence, in particular health insurance, and whether they fulfilled the conditions for exercising an occupation.Footnote 88 As to the question of rights, the resolution provided that long-term residents and their family members should enjoy ‘no less favourable’ treatment than nationals of the Member States as regards working conditions, membership in trade unions, public policy in the housing sector, social security, emergency healthcare, and compulsory schooling.Footnote 89 Moreover, the resolution suggested that it should be possible for long-term residents and their family members to be granted non-contributory benefits.Footnote 90
Unlike the restrictive approach of that Resolution, the 1997 proposed Convention discussed earlier placed security of residence in light of integration, as necessary to safeguard an equilibrium in European societies.Footnote 91 Under Article 32 of the proposed Convention, long-term resident status would be granted to TCNs who had been resident in a Member State for five years and who held a residence permit that ensured that on expiry they would have lived in that Member State for a total period of ten years. The rights for long-term residents would be guided by non-discrimination compared to EU nationals and a greater protection against expulsion.Footnote 92 In Article 35, the proposed Convention provided them the right to apply for vacancies in other Member States, and to study throughout the EU. The reasoning behind the attribution of such rights was both economic and social. According to the Commission, the possibility to take up work in another Member State would not affect the labour market, as it would not increase the number of migrants employed in the EU.Footnote 93 Moreover, with the aim of moving towards a broader EU social space, the Commission mentioned that long-term residents were seeking integration not in the particular Member State where they resided but rather in the frontier-free area of the EU.Footnote 94 As the new millennium began, the Commission also used the Charter as a point of reference, perhaps in an attempt to consolidate a direct link of rights between TCNs and the EU legal order. Specifically, it mentioned that the Charter could be a reference point for the development of a civic citizenship that would comprise of common rights and obligations.Footnote 95
Relatedly, a proposal was issued by the Commission with the aim of consolidating the rights of long-term residents.Footnote 96 The proposal suggested that full integration for long-term residents should necessarily imply their right to move between Member States. Specifically, the Commission claimed that ‘[a] genuine area of freedom, security and justice, a fundamental objective of the European Union, is unthinkable without a degree of mobility for third-country nationals residing there legally, and particularly for those residing on a long-term basis’.Footnote 97 Free movement rights for long-term residents were demanded in light of Article 45 CFR, which provides for the possibility of extending free movement rights to TCNs. Apart from suggesting such rights to free movement, the Commission insisted on the economic need behind such attribution which would allow for ‘better utilisation of employment reserves available in different Member States’.Footnote 98
The Commission managed to gather support and adopted the Long-term Residents Directive in 2003, as means to promote the social objectives of the EU by ensuring fair treatment to legally resident TCNs and to put in place an integration policy that would grant TCNs rights and obligations comparable to those of EU migrants.Footnote 99 Recital 4 of the Directive mentions that the integration of TCNs who have had a long residence in the EU is key in promoting the economic and social cohesion of the Union. Under Article 4(1), the status is attributed to all migrants who have lawfully resided in a Member State for a period of five years. Under Article 14, long-term residents can move to another Member State for periods longer than three months for any purpose (study, economic activity, other purposes). What is more, they have access to the labour market of the second Member States under equal treatment conditions under Article 21. However, Articles 13 and 21(2) allow Member States to set restrictions and conditions to the exercise of such rights which can significantly limit their effectiveness by making it extremely hard to move to take up employment in another Member State. Thus, even though free movement found its way in the Directive, the practical effect of the relevant right is significantly limited.
The Long-term Residents Directive is a clear example of the ways in which economic considerations can frame legislation at EU level: the aspiration of extending rights to migrants in order to boost the economy is limited and made ineffective due to economic fears of what might happen to the economy if migrants actually enjoy rights. The long-term approach of the Commission and its emphasis on the positive function of long-term residents for the EU economy was the reason for attribution of free movement rights to this category of TCNs. In parallel, the economic fears connected to potential negative effects of such movement for national labour markets were expressed by the Council as a reason to set substantive limitations to such movement making it practically ineffective.Footnote 100
This ineffectiveness led to a demand for the revision of this instrument. In December 2022, the Commission issued a proposal for revision with the aim of strengthening the rights of long-term residents and their families and drawing them closer to the rights of EU nationals.Footnote 101 The Commission demanded consolidation of free movement rights for long-term residents once again, based on the idea that such movement can improve labour market effectiveness.Footnote 102 The negotiations of the relevant proposal have shown that Member States are unwilling to take away economic limitations from the exercise of mobility rights.Footnote 103 When it comes to the protection of social rights of long-term residents, which were also limited in the original formulation of the Directive, these have been extensively interpreted by the Court, which has limited state discretion behind their limitation, as we will see in Section 9.3. Once again economic and social considerations appear in the approach of different actors and affect the shaping of the EU migration policy. The lack of long-term considerations on the part of the Council limiting the attribution of both mobility and social rights to long-term residents lies behind the unsustainability of this instrument and its failure to achieve the economic and social objectives of primary law in the regulation of migration.
6.3 National Contestation Limiting the Rights of TCN Workers and Social Considerations behind New Demands
Unlike the period reviewed in Part I, the way economic and social objectives appear behind the regulation of labour migration becomes differentiated in the 1990s, leading to paradoxical results. Long-term economic planning dictated the Commission’s effort to pursue harmonization of admission for TCN migrants. It put forward various proposals to align migration with the economic and social objectives of the Community under a long-term strategy. Behind these proposals, there was a need to shape a migration policy that could match national labour demand with the TCN workforce resident in the EU, and that would allow admission of TCNs to cover potential labour needs with a long-term perspective. In parallel, the various Commission proposals sought to align migration to the social objectives of the EU, referencing the need to guarantee a minimum core of rights to migrant workers and a progressive attribution of extra rights to long-term residents, who would eventually be protected similarly to Community workers. At a point of closer political integration, the rights of migrants became tied to a positive vision of what EU societies should look like.
The Council’s stance was determined by economic considerations, but unlike the Commission, its approach to EU law-making was reactive.Footnote 104 During the period examined, Member States were facing high national unemployment, and in this context labour migration was viewed as an aggravating factor. This created a political sensitivity around migration that precluded any consideration regarding the contribution of migrants as a reason for harmonizing admission. Instead, the Council focused on measures that would reinforce a feeling of control for Member States over their territories and shared borders.Footnote 105
Regarding measures that guarantee rights for migrants, such as family reunification and security of residence, equal treatment for TCNs was dictated under both a socially oriented and an economic logic. On the social side, the EU was promoting an identity that was socially and culturally pluralistic, based on respect of human rights and human dignity.Footnote 106 At the same time, equality for TCN workers was linked to observance of labour law, as a precondition for attracting migrants for highly skilled jobs, a demand the EU population could not meet.Footnote 107 As the Commission stated, granting such equality in terms of wages and working conditions was in the interest of society, which could benefit fully from the contribution of migrants to the economic and social life, while at the same time this would ensure that economic exploitation would not fuel unfair competition.Footnote 108
The difference between the Council and the Commission as regards economic and social considerations behind migration appears on two levels. First, the Council focused these considerations on a domestic level and the relation of migration to the circumstances and labour needs of each Member State, while the Commission was looking at the EU as a whole. Second, the Council, perhaps due to its touch with national politics, took a short-term approach to economic and social objectives, while the Commission took a long-term one. It is in this long-term approach to the pursuit of economic development and social progress that the demand of economic and social sustainability finds implicit expression in the regulation of migration.
In any case, these different approaches on the function of migrants for EU economies blocked every attempt to harmonize admission, but they did allow the adoption of instruments guaranteeing a set of rights to some migrants. The rights were not as ambitious as the Commission had planned, as we saw in both the case of the Family Reunification Directive and in the case of the Long-term Residents Directive. However, they did put in place minimum guarantees which, as we shall see in Chapter 9, were significantly extended by the Court.
7.1 The Unstoppable(?) Social Orientation of the Court
In its early case-law on free movement of workers, the Court extended the protection of migrants falling under the scope of Regulation 1612/68 by teleological interpretations, related to the need to remove obstacles to free movement and to assist workers in migrating in dignity. With an emphasis on the economic considerations behind personal rights, the Court pioneered the protection of rights of migrant workers in ways that could not have been envisioned under a literal reading of the text of the relevant provisions. From the 1980s onwards, the Court followed a similar approach as regards the rights of migrants falling under Association Agreements. This chapter will review the relevant case-law starting from the EEC–Turkey Agreement in Section 7.1.1 and moving to other Association Agreements in Sections 7.1.2 and 7.1.3, and it will highlight the extensive protection of social rights demanded by the Court. Section 7.2 will look at how Member States tried to bypass the relevant interpretations for fear that the extensive granting of social rights would prove unsustainable. Section 7.3 turns the focus to Association Agreements developed with full extension of the free movement framework to migrants of associated counties. That was the case when the relevant economic and demographic situation of the associated states showed no risk for the continued development of the EU project from the migrant populations. Overall, this chapter demonstrates first how social sustainability considerations have appeared behind an extensive interpretation of the relevant framework in the case-law. Second, Association Agreements provide the ideal example of how rights are attributed, extended, or limited depending on the economic sustainability challenges posed by the associated states.
7.1.1 Economic and Social Considerations behind the Attribution and Consolidation of the Rights of Turkish Workers
The EEC–Turkey Agreement created a special status for Turkish workers, which distinguished them from other third-country national workers. The adoption of the Agreement and its implementing decisions took place in years characterized by significant socio-economic changes. Throughout these years, the presence and importance of Turkish workers on Member States’ territory was massive for the economic development of the EU. This allowed a better negotiating position for Turkey during the development of the Association. The aim of the Agreement and the initial – yet never materialized – purpose of eventual accession has been acknowledged as a basis of analogous interpretation in the case-law.Footnote 1 However, this aim has not been the only consideration in the reasoning of the Court. Before going into the relevant analysis, a reminder is due: the EEC–Turkey Agreement did not affect Member States’ competence in regulating entry of migrants, nor did it impose obligations regarding family reunification. Rather, under different implementing decisions, the Agreement sought to advance the social position of Turkish workers and their families by ensuring the consolidation of their position after a certain time in the national labour market.
The most crucial part of the Decisions implementing the Agreement, and one which differentiates Turkish workers to this day, when the EU has put in place a separate migration policy, is the standstill clauses that were included in them. Specifically, Decision 1/80, which specified the rights that should be granted to migrant workers and their families, included a standstill clause under Article 13. The clause provided that Member States should not introduce new restrictions on the conditions of access to employment of Turkish workers and their families who are legally residents and employed in the Member States. Early on, the Court held that Article 13 of Decision 1/80, much like the similar clause of Article 41 of the Additional Protocol to the Agreement, had direct effect and could grant rights to individuals.Footnote 2 The Article was interpreted as meaning that Member States were not allowed to adopt new measures having the object or effect of making the conditions of access to employment for Turkish nationals more restrictive.Footnote 3 The Court further held that the standstill was intended to protect Turkish nationals who were not already lawfully employed and residing in the host state.Footnote 4 Those who were lawfully employed were protected via the provision of Article 6 of Decision 1/80.Footnote 5 What is more, the Court held that this also applied to Turkish workers and their families who were not in paid employment.Footnote 6 How to reconcile this with the fact that the wording of the provision refers to ‘legally resident and employed’ Turkish nationals? The Court held that this should be taken to mean that the provision benefited Turkish nationals only if they complied with the host state’s rules on entry, residence, and employment.Footnote 7 The similar standstill clause of Article 41 of the Additional Protocol to the Agreement also shaped the Court’s case-law on practices of Member States which could limit family reunification rights.Footnote 8
Overall, the standstill clause was interpreted as follows: the adoption of new rules by Member States would either have to benefit the Turkish workers or, if these were more restrictive, they would have to apply equally to both Turkish and EU nationals, and would have to be proportionate in light of the pursuit of a reason of overriding public interest.Footnote 9 The Court has found several legitimate reasons falling under this concept: the aim of preventing illegal entry and residence, the prevention of forced marriages, ensuring successful integration, effective management of migration flows, and preventing and combatting entry fraud.Footnote 10
The system set up by Decision 1/80 and the progressive attribution of rights to migrant workers under Article 6 allowed the Court to infer a residence right from an effective protection of a right to work.Footnote 11 Specifically, the Decision set up a system of progressive attribution of rights to Turkish workers on access to employment. Turkish workers were entitled to renewal of their permit to work for the same employer after one year of legal employment. After three years of legal employment, they could respond to any offers of their choice for the same occupation, subject to priority for Community workers. After four years of employment, they were entitled to free access to any paid employment. This Article regulated the conditions under which Turkish workers would progressively enjoy greater access to employment in the Member States. By engaging with the different criteria that needed to be met for a Turkish national to acquire the relevant EU law rights, the Court extended the scope of protection of the Decision and consolidated the rights of Turkish workers to security of residence.
Overall, for Turkish nationals to enjoy rights under Decision 1/80, they would have to be workers, duly registered in the labour force of a Member State, and in legal employment for a specified period of time. The Court aligned the interpretation of ‘worker’ with that provided under the free movement case-law.Footnote 12 Specifically, the Court held that the Agreement aimed at progressively extending access of Turkish nationals to the EU labour market, and that this was similar to the aim pursued by free movement of workers. The result was that the scope of the Decision was aligned with the extensive scope of protection under the free movement framework.Footnote 13 Migrant workers who continuously contributed to a national labour market ought to enjoy full protection of the rights granted in Decision 1/80, and those who could no longer do so could not secure a right to remain.Footnote 14 With no EU competence on regulating entry of TCN migrants, the admission and residence of Turkish nationals were based on national law and the sovereign right of states to manage population. However, once Turkish nationals were engaged in economic activity that fulfilled the criteria of the decisions implementing the Association Agreement, they proved themselves worthy of rights attributed under EU law. Due to this, security of residence should be guaranteed in order to allow them to continue their engagement in the activity, by which they personally contributed to the EU development project. The Court drew both on the purpose of the Agreement and on the agency and contribution of the individual migrant as a way to secure residence rights for Turkish migrants. A need to secure the effective exercise of the right to work became the basis for attribution of residence rights to Turkish workers who could not secure such residence under national law. The significance of the functional role of Turkish workers for the EU development project became a basis for attribution of rights in ways very similar to EU workers. Similar considerations of economic and social sustainability as expressed in the parallel pursuit of economic growth and social progress underpin the rights of both these categories of migrants.
As regards the protection of family life, the Court has been very explicit about the social purpose served by family reunification and has ensured an extensive protection for family members. The EEC–Turkey Agreement did not establish a right to family reunification. Rather, the implementing decisions secured rights for family members, who were authorized under national law to join the Turkish worker in the host state.Footnote 15 Article 7 of Decision 1/80 secured rights for family members of Turkish workers in the following way. Family members were entitled to respond to offers of employment after residing in the host state for more than three years. After five years of residence, they could enjoy an autonomous employment right and a corresponding residence right, flowing from EU law. After the establishment of such an autonomous right, family life need not be maintained.Footnote 16 The Court’s case-law has engaged at great length with the purpose served by the rights granted to family members and has held that this gradual attribution of rights pursued a dual objective.Footnote 17
The first objective of Article 7 Decision 1/80 (for the first three years of common residence) was to support migrant workers by means of family reunification in their employment and residence in the host state.Footnote 18 During these first three years, family members played a supportive function to the worker, and their rights promoted cohesion in the host societies.Footnote 19 In light of this function of family as conducive to the enjoyment of the worker’s life in the host state, the Court interpreted the notion of family under Article 7 Decision 1/80 in ways similar to Regulation 1612/68. The analogous interpretation stemmed from an understanding that the purpose of Article 7 Decision 1/80 and Regulation 1612/68 was similar, that is, protecting family unity as conducive to the enjoyment of the worker’s life in the host state.Footnote 20 This led to a significant limitation of restrictions on entry and residence in light of the importance of family life for the enjoyment of work-related rights.
The second objective of the protection of family life appears in relation to free access to any employment and the corresponding residence rights for family members after a period of five years. These rights were conferred in order to consolidate the social integration of the Turkish worker’s family in the host state by allowing family members to earn their own living and become independent of the migrant worker.Footnote 21 The individualization of protection of the family member is put forward by the Court in light of the purpose of Decision 1/80 to improve the social situation of Turkish migrants by promoting the gradual integration of those covered by the Decision in the Member State.Footnote 22 In this regard, the Court held that residence rights of family members who have been residing with the worker in a host state for a period of five years should be maintained in cases where such family members were not actively pursuing employment. In Er, the Court held that the grounds for exclusion from the rights granted under Decision 1/80 were specific: they referred exhaustively to public policy limitations and absence from territory.Footnote 23 Member States no longer enjoyed discretion in adding restrictive conditions on the exercise of the relevant rights.Footnote 24 The reasoning for proceeding in such a finding followed the acknowledgement of a link between the unconditional right to access employment and the right of residence.Footnote 25 The right of free access to employment was granted to family members of Turkish workers in order to ensure their permanent integration in the host state.Footnote 26 Such permanent integration would be jeopardized where family members did not enjoy an effective right to reside and thereby to eventually exercise employment.Footnote 27
In developing this case-law, the Court put a lot of emphasis on the objective of Decision 1/80 to improve the situation of migrant workers in the social field. Does this mean that economic considerations should not affect the attribution of rights to family members? This seems to be the approach followed by the Court. Although not explicitly acknowledged by the Court, AG La Pergola, in his Opinion in Eyüp, suggested that a balancing of interests between protection of family life and protection of national employment markets had already taken place in the design of the provisions of Decision 1/80.Footnote 28 Thus, it was assumed that no further restrictions should be imposed in a system designed to progressively attribute rights to family members of migrant workers.
Relatedly, in the case of children of Turkish workers, we see how access of a specific cohort of migrant children to vocational education becomes the basis for autonomous residence rights. Children of Turkish workers who had completed vocational training in the host state were granted a right to respond to offers of employment independent of the length of their residence there, as long as one of their parents had been already legally employed in the Member State for at least three years. This autonomous right, granted under Article 7(2) Decision 1/80 to children trained in the host country, was linked to the presumption that they had the expertise necessary to immediately participate in the labour market of the state that had trained them.Footnote 29 Children of Turkish workers are not only significant as family members. They are also significant as part of a future labour force that is trained in the host state at its expense.Footnote 30
In addition to these rights, Article 9 Decision 1/80 required that children of Turkish workers be granted access to education, apprenticeship, and vocational training under the same conditions as children of Community nationals. In Gürol, the Court held that Article 9 Decision 1/80 is an application of the general principle of non-discrimination in the sphere of education and vocational training. Specifically, the Court held that this provision is a specific iteration not only of the principle of non-discrimination laid down in Article 9 of the Agreement but also of the general non-discrimination principle of Article 7 of the EC Treaty.Footnote 31 The right to equal access to education is independent of residence with the parents during the period of education.Footnote 32 What is more, children also have access to advantages related to education.Footnote 33 Essentially, the purpose of Article 9 Decision 1/80 is to guarantee equal opportunities to Turkish children and nationals of the host state.
Overall, in the relevant case-law, the Court consolidated the rights of Turkish workers and their families. The consistently broad interpretations took place not only in light of the purpose of the Association Agreement, whose main elements shifted over the years, for reasons that are related to geopolitical evolutions and circumstances external to legal reasoning. The interpretation of the Court was also driven by the function of migrant workers for the host state and the corollary need for social advancement of migrants in host societies. These considerations implicitly convey the pursuit of economic and social sustainability in the regulation of migration. To what extent similar considerations play out in relation to Agreements signed by the EU, where eventual accession was never foreseen, will be traced in Section 7.1.2.
7.1.2 Non-discrimination in the Field of Social Security
In the field of social security, Kziber stands out as the case which provided the foundation for a full extension of equal treatment to migrant workers and their families covered by Association Agreements.Footnote 34 The case concerned the refusal of Belgian authorities to grant an unemployment allowance to the daughter of a Moroccan pensioner in Belgium. She claimed that she was entitled to this allowance as a family member of a former Moroccan worker under the equal treatment provisions of the EEC–Morocco Association Agreement.
The benefit at stake was also the subject of the Deak case, where a family member of a former Community migrant worker claimed access to it.Footnote 35 There the Court held that the specific benefit could not be attributed to family members of migrant workers as a derived right. It was rather granted to former workers due to their own personal situation. Despite this, the Court found that the children of Community workers, to the extent that they were dependent on the Community worker, were entitled to this benefit under Article 7(2) Regulation 1612/68 as a social advantage.
Contrary to the conservative approach of AG Van Gerven,Footnote 36 the Court resolved the case with reference to the provisions of the Cooperation Agreement. It found that the principle of non-discrimination as provided for in Article 41(1) of the Agreement had direct effect.Footnote 37 What is more, it found that social security benefits under Article 41(1) of the Agreement were identical to those provided under Regulation 1408/71 and that the unemployment benefit at issue fell under them. By basing the attribution of the respective rights directly on Regulation 1408/71, the Court took the social rights of TCN workers and their families a step further than those of Community workers. The findings of the Court in Kziber have been consistently applied in a series of cases covering various social security benefits, Association Agreements, and family members.Footnote 38
The extensive application of non-discrimination in the field of social security was also confirmed with regard to Turkish workers. Decision 3/80 regulated the application of social security schemes to Turkish workers.Footnote 39 Article 3 of the Decision provided for equal treatment of Turkish workers and nationals of the Member State. The Court established the direct effect of provisions of the Decision and held that its purpose was similar to that of Regulation 1408/71, which applied to Community workers.Footnote 40 In Sürül, the Court addressed the question of whether a Turkish national covered by Decision 3/80 would have to hold a specific residence permit in order to be granted family allowances in a case where residence was the only requirement applicable to nationals of the state.Footnote 41 In resolving the case, the Court aligned the application of non-discrimination to Turkish workers and their families to the interpretation it had provided on other Association Agreements.Footnote 42 Specifically, the Court found that non-discrimination, as it appears in Article 3(1) of Decision 3/80, was a specific expression of the general non-discrimination principle laid in Article 9 of the EEC–Turkey Agreement, which referred to the general non-discrimination principle under Article 7 of the EEC Treaty.Footnote 43 As a result, it held that national legislation requiring Turkish workers to possess specific residence document to access family allowances, where such documents were not required for Germans, constituted an unjustified discrimination under the Decision.Footnote 44
The extensive protection of migrant workers under the principle of non-discrimination is not limitless. Rather its limits should be seen in relation to the purpose served by its attribution. In this respect, in Fahmi and Esmoris Cerdeiro-Pinedo Amado, the Court held that the prohibition of discrimination regarding access to social security did not cover workers who returned home and claimed child allowance benefits for children who studied in the state of origin.Footnote 45 Article 41(3) of the EEC–Morocco Agreement, which was applicable to the facts of the case, provided that family allowances were granted for family members who resided in the Community. In light of this, and the fact that the purpose of the Agreement was to consolidate the positions of workers and their families living in the Member States, the Court found that the right to non-discrimination could not extend as far as providing access to entitlements to those outside its territory.Footnote 46 After all, non-discrimination ensures the social advancement of the migrant worker and the members of their family in the host state, and is granted to support the migrant in the provision of their work. If the migrant worker is no longer engaged in economic activity in the EU, there is no reason why non-discrimination should apply and support their life outside the exercise of such activity.
After an overview of the relevant case-law, one is left wondering why equal treatment as provided under all the different Association Agreements examined in this section is protected by the Court in such an extensive manner. The special purpose of the EEC–Turkey Agreement is always emphasized by the Court, but the Association Agreements with Mediterranean countries did not foresee eventual accession and, unlike the EEC–Turkey Agreement, did not make any reference to guidance by the provisions of the EU free movement framework. Despite this, the Court made the link between non-discrimination in all the relevant Agreements and the general non-discrimination principle enshrined in the Treaty. What the Court added by its interpretation is that, regardless of state competence on the regulation of migration, whoever falls within the scope of EU law must not be discriminated against in the specific economic activity that they pursue. Based on this, it can be argued that the significant advancement of the social position of the migrant workers covered under these Agreements by the interpretation of the Court is closely connected to the migrants’ contribution to the EU development project, which is also the reason why they fall under social security schemes in the first place. This close connection reveals the interdependence of economic development and social progress behind the rights of migrants in a way which would be demanded today by economic and social sustainability in the regulation of migration.
7.1.3 A Permanent Safeguard: Non-discrimination behind a Limited Right to Remain
The significance of the principle of non-discrimination for migrant workers is further highlighted through the case-law of the Court in El Yassini.Footnote 47 In this case, the Court addressed non-discrimination regarding working conditions as the source of legal certainty, which demanded that a residence right should be ensured for as long as someone was granted a right to employment, subject to clearly construed limitations. El Yassini, a Moroccan national, entered the UK as a visitor and was granted leave to remain, due to a subsequent marriage to a British national. The marriage was eventually dissolved, and he was engaged in lawful employment in the UK. Upon refusal by the UK authorities to grant him leave to remain, El Yassini claimed that the equal treatment provision of the EEC–Morocco Agreement should guarantee his right to continue his employment, by the creation of a derivative residence right for the remaining time of his employment contract.
In his Opinion, AG Léger set out to compare three types of legislation that were relevant for migrant workers’ rights, and the different purposes non-discrimination served in each of them, namely the Community free movement framework, the EEC–Turkey Agreement and the EEC–Morocco Agreement.Footnote 48 In light of the purpose of the EEC–Morocco Agreement to contribute to the economic and social development of Morocco and of the absence of any rights regulating the personal situation of Moroccan workers in the Agreement, the AG suggested that Community law had no relevance in the specific dispute as to the treatment of Moroccan workers, who belonged to the labour force of Member States.Footnote 49 The AG supported this exclusion from Community law not only on the basis of the sovereign right of states to decide their immigration policy, but also on the EU law obligation to ensure priority access to national labour markets for Community workers in the first place and Turkish workers in the second.Footnote 50 The Opinion could have concluded at that stage. But it did not. Instead, the AG held that the principle of non-discrimination demanded that when a worker was authorized by a Member State to take up employment for a specific period of time, the effectiveness of that principle implied that he should have a right to reside in the host state during that time.Footnote 51 In light of this, he suggested that, while Member States can in principle terminate a residence permit before an employment contract has expired, they cannot do so in order to address economic problems.Footnote 52
The Court, following the AG Opinion, acknowledged the distinction in terms of purpose and rights of migrant workers under the different schemes and held that the Agreement did not in principle prohibit the refusal of Member States to grant a right to reside despite the existence of paid employment.Footnote 53 It then qualified the statement by holding that such discretion on the part of Member States was allowed only if the initial reason for granting leave to remain no longer existed by the time the right to reside expired.Footnote 54 If, however, a person was granted a work permit for a specific duration of time and a residence permit for a shorter period, then potential non-renewal of the residence permit would have to be justified by the protection of legitimate national interest, such as public policy, public security, or public health.Footnote 55
In so doing, the Court construed a limited right to reside from the effective enjoyment of non-discrimination regarding working conditions. This right exists only if legitimate employment is ongoing, and only for migrants who initially entered the host state as workers. In practice, this means that Member States are allowed to terminate the right to reside of workers covered by Association Agreements who are in ongoing employment, but only where this termination is unrelated to economic considerations. Where Member States proceed in premature termination of the right to reside, non-discrimination leads to the application by analogy of the case-law on Turkish workers, as there is nothing differentiating foreign workers engaged in gainful employment of the same kind in a host state.Footnote 56 Non-discrimination cannot be a basis of the right to remain on its own, but, as the Court held, in specific circumstances it might have effects on the right to remain by imposing specific limits on state discretion as regards migration.Footnote 57
7.2 The Backlash to Extensive Judicial Protection
This emphasis of the Court on safeguarding the effective application of equal treatment for migrant workers and their families in the field of social security was not welcomed by Member States. A potential application of the Kziber line of case-law to TCN workers coming under other Association Agreements could have significant financial repercussions for the social security systems of the Member States, as AG La Pergola insinuated in his Opinion on a case related to similar issues under the EEC–Turkey Agreement.Footnote 58 For this reason, all the Agreements negotiated and concluded after Kziber was issued avoid providing for the application of non-discrimination in the field of social security. Kziber, next to the EEC–Turkey Agreement case-law, showed the teeth of the non-discrimination principle. The Member States tried to limit the power of this principle by drafting the Agreements that were concluded in the 1990s a lot more carefully. Sections 7.2.1 and 7.2.2 investigate the evolution of different Association Agreements in light of the preceding case-law, showing that the scope of equal treatment was renegotiated in Agreements with Mediterranean countries and construed in a limited manner in the Europe Agreements signed with the CEECs.
7.2.1 Renegotiating Cooperation to Limit the Scope of Equal Treatment
Given the economic and political circumstances of the 1990s, new objectives of regulation of migration in the Euro-Mediterranean region were formulated in the Barcelona conference.Footnote 59 These sought to reduce migratory pressures through assistance to the host states, to ensure the rights of all migrants legally residing in the territories of Member States and to address illegal immigration.Footnote 60 At this stage, the contribution of the migrant workers to the development of the EU meant that their rights could not be sidelined where they were employed in the Member States.Footnote 61 However, this economic contribution was no longer enough to allow support for the attribution of more extensive rights.
Against this backdrop, the new generation of Agreements signed with third countries in the region aimed at cooperation that would support ‘harmonious economic and social relations’ between the parties.Footnote 62 Among the agreements concluded, the ones with Morocco, Tunisia, and Algeria were the only ones including clauses that attributed rights to migrant workers.Footnote 63 This was due to the fact that these were the main countries of the region that supplied migrant labour to the EU.Footnote 64 Much like the previous Cooperation Agreements, the Euro-Mediterranean Agreements maintained the provisions on non-discrimination for all migrant workers as regards working conditions, remuneration and dismissal, and the equal treatment for them and their families in the field of social security.Footnote 65 Further, the Agreements stated that their provisions would only cover lawfully residing TCN workers, and they must not apply to migrants working illegally in the territories of the host countries.Footnote 66 Hence, illegality of residence was included explicitly as a condition which stripped an individual of rights.Footnote 67 Furthermore, under a Joint Declaration to the Agreements, the parties declared that they would examine issues related to access to the labour market for the spouse and children of migrant workers.Footnote 68 In the same Declaration they stated that equal treatment ought not to be invoked to obtain a renewal of a residence permit.Footnote 69 This Declaration must have been made to dissociate any potential extension of the interpretation of El Yassini to the new Agreements of cooperation with the Mediterranean countries.
The Court has confirmed the direct effect of the equal treatment provisions of the new Agreements. In Echouikh, the Court held that Article 65 of the Euro-Mediterranean Agreement with Morocco should be interpreted in the same way as Article 41(1) of the Association Agreement that predated it.Footnote 70 The Court also held that this Article was a specific expression of the principle of non-discrimination under Article 12 of the EC Treaty.Footnote 71 As to the Declaration, it was invoked in the case of Gattoussi, which concerned the rights of Tunisian nationals under the Euro-Mediterranean Agreement.Footnote 72 Despite its invocation, the analysis of El Yassini was fully confirmed by the Court, which maintained that the effective application of non-discrimination could not leave Member State discretion on migration unaffected. The Court found that, in principle, Member States were not prohibited from taking measures against the right to remain of TCN workers whom they had authorized to enter their territory for the purpose of employment.Footnote 73 After all, immigration policy comes with a wide margin of discretion. But, as AG Ruiz-Jarabo Colomer suggested, this margin is limited by obligations of the Member States under Community law, as they cannot use migration measures as a justification for infringement of the free movement of workers framework or of international obligations of the Community.Footnote 74
The Member States’ obligation to guarantee the effectiveness of non-discrimination demands the protection of legitimate expectations of the worker and, relatedly, legal certainty.Footnote 75 This is why in cases where a Member State has granted migrant workers specific rights in relation to employment that are more extensive than the rights of residence conferred on them by that State, it cannot then reopen the question of that worker’s situation on grounds unrelated to the protection of a legitimate national interest such as public policy, public security, or public health.Footnote 76 Overall, what we see in the Euro-Mediterranean Agreements is a more careful drafting and limitation of rights granted to migrant workers to avoid the potential extension thereof by rulings of the Court.Footnote 77
In parallel to these evolutions, the cooperation with the ACP evolved by the transition from Lomé IV to Cotonou. Article 13 of the Cotonou Agreement referred more broadly to migration cooperation between the parties. Under Article 13(3), equal treatment was granted to legally employed migrant workers from ACP countries as regards working conditions, remuneration, and dismissal. There is no longer reference to equal treatment of migrant workers and their families as regards social security, which was previously found in the Declarations attached to Lomé. What is more, respect for human rights and the elimination of discrimination was reaffirmed under Article 13(1) based on existing obligations of international law. Finally, Article 13(2) of the Cotonou Agreement mentioned fair treatment of TCNs who are legally resident in EU Member States, and the objective of granting them rights and obligations comparable to citizens by integration policy; enhancement of non-discrimination in economic, social, and cultural life; and the development of measures against racism and xenophobia.Footnote 78 Even if at first glance this provision seems more extensive, it can be argued that this is not the case. First of all, the fair treatment mentioned in Article 13(2) of the Cotonou Agreement is not equal treatment. Second, as regards the objectives of granting extra rights to migrants, these are framed more like guidelines in the cooperation between the parties, rather than clauses that could be directly invoked by individuals under EU Law.
7.2.2 Structuring Europe Agreements to Avoid Extensive Interpretations by the Court
Shortly after the fall of the Iron Curtain, and with the expressed will of the post-Soviet states to accede to the EU, the latter progressively entered into Association Agreements with most of the CEECs.Footnote 79 These Agreements, which were called Europe Agreements to mark their political importance in reuniting Europe, were prepared so as to assist the economic reform of CEECs and to create closer political relations with the Community.Footnote 80 The Agreements sought to establish a free trade area between the Community and the associated states, and were adopted in order to prepare the latter for their eventual accession to the Community.Footnote 81 A ten-year transitional period split into two five-year stages was envisaged in most of the Agreements.Footnote 82 The central focus of the Agreements was to assist the CEECs in their transition to market economy.Footnote 83 Free movement of workers was not provided for in these Agreements. The liberalization of free movement would only be considered after the social and economic conditions of the acceding Member States was brought in line with those of the Community.Footnote 84 Rather, certain minimum measures were put in place to improve the situation of migrant workers legally resident in the Member States.Footnote 85 Specifically, the Agreements provided for the application of equal treatment regarding working conditions, remuneration, or dismissal.Footnote 86 The Agreements did not impose an obligation to grant residence rights to family members of workers, and the right of family members to access the labour market was explicitly limited to the spouse and children of the worker during the worker’s stay.Footnote 87 These limited rights of family members excluded seasonal workers or workers covered by bilateral agreements.Footnote 88
The Agreements also left a great deal of discretion to Member States to take into account their labour market situation in the context of progressive attribution of rights to labour migrants from associated countries. Specifically, the only obligation for Member States was to preserve access to employment accorded under bilateral agreements for already legally resident workers.Footnote 89 Potential improvements of the treatment of such workers or attribution of more rights could be considered by the Member States ‘if possible’.Footnote 90 The Association Council had discretion to examine the granting of improvements, taking into account both the national labour market situation and the Community one.Footnote 91 Finally, following the end of the foreseen transitional period, the Association Council would examine other ways to improve the movement of workers in light of the social and economic conditions in the associated countries and the employment situation in the Community. These agreements, together with the identical provisions of the Stabilisation and Association Pact in the case of Croatia, set the basis for cooperation between the candidate countries and the EU until the conclusion of the enlargement, which is examined in Chapter 8.Footnote 92
Similar protection for migrants is afforded by the Partnership and Cooperation Agreements concluded with Russia and several states from Southern Caucasus and Central Asia. These Agreements provide a basis for economic, social, financial, and cultural cooperation. They all provide for equal treatment as regards working conditions, remuneration, or dismissal of TCN workers originating from these states.Footnote 93 However, they do not grant any rights of access to the labour market for the workers’ family, nor do they foresee a potential progressive attribution of more rights to migrant workers.Footnote 94 Unsurprisingly, the similarly worded provision of the Cooperation Agreement with Russia granting equal treatment as regards working conditions has been held by the Court to be directly effective.Footnote 95
In this we see that the cost of ensuring an extensive protection for migrants’ rights, as provided by the Court, limited the scope of application of non-discrimination only to the specific field of working conditions, remuneration, and dismissal. Short-term considerations related to risks of migration flows that could be caused by the underdevelopment of the CEECs at times when Member States did not have unlimited labour demands led to the limitation of the non-discrimination clauses in International Agreements concluded during this period. This has far-reaching implications in limiting the rights of migrants. However, as we shall see in Chapter 9, these implications can be contained in light of the incremental shaping of secondary law on the rights of migrants legally resident in the Member States. Before concluding this chapter, however, Section 7.3 will turn to the cooperation of the EU with economically developed European states. The analysis will point to the extensive attribution of rights to nationals coming from countries with higher development levels and thus less prone to migrating for economic reasons.
7.3 The Non-issue of Extending Free Movement Rights to Nationals of Developed European States
In the European Economic Area (EEA) Agreement, we see how the economic and social development of all countries involved and their long-standing economic cooperation and interdependence shaped the basis for a privileged partnership, which granted labour migrants from the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) countries rights that are equally extensive to the rights enjoyed by EU migrants.Footnote 96
EFTA was created in the 1960s to promote free trade and economic integration of its Member States. The relation of the EU and EFTA dates back to the 1970s, when the EFTA states concluded bilateral free trade agreements with the EEC that did not include any right to free movement of workers.Footnote 97 The completion of the single market created new impetus in the relation of EFTA states with the Community and led to the signature of the EEA Agreement in 1992.Footnote 98 The original Agreement included Switzerland, Austria, Finland, Sweden, Iceland, Lichtenstein, and Norway. Eventually Switzerland did not ratify the agreement, whereas Austria, Finland, and Sweden became EU Member States during that period. As it currently stands, the Agreement applies to EU Member States on the one hand and Iceland, Lichtenstein, and Norway on the other.
The aim of the Agreement under Article 1(1) was to promote a continuous and balanced strengthening of the economic relations of the parties in light of creating a European Economic Area. The parties included both economic and social objectives in the preamble in a framing that is very similar to the objectives of the Community as expressed in the Maastricht Treaty, which had recently been adopted at that time.Footnote 99 In light of the alignment of objectives and of the similar development level of the EFTA and the EU Member States, it should not come as a surprise that the Agreement provided for extension of free movement of workers to EFTA nationals under Article 28. The article, which is framed similarly to the provision of Article 45 TFEU, grants nationals of the parties the right to accept offers of employment made to them, to move freely within the territory of the EEA states in search of employment, to reside in those states for the purpose of employment, as well as the right to remain there after being employed. Similarly to the EU framework, Article 28(2) EEA Agreement provides for the application of non-discrimination as regards employment, remuneration, and working conditions for nationals working in EEA states. While the Agreement did not provide for rights of family members, Annex V thereto referred to the EU secondary law, which is applicable in the case of free movement of workers between the parties.Footnote 100 For this reason, protection of family life for EFTA workers is guaranteed at levels equal to those guaranteed for EU workers.
The Agreement did not provide for safeguard measures specific to risks created from movement of workers, but rather had a general safeguard clause under Article 112, similar to those existing under the EU framework, which allowed the parties to unilaterally resort to the measures deemed necessary in case of economic, social, or environmental difficulties of sectorial or regional nature.Footnote 101 Iceland attached a declaration to specify its understanding of Article 112 EEA Agreement to mean that safeguard measures may be applied to address serious disturbances on the labour market caused by large-scale labour movements due to the Agreement in specific geographical areas, types of jobs, or industrial branches.Footnote 102 Iceland justified this declaration on the basis of the ‘one-sided nature of its economy and the fact that its territory is sparsely populated’.Footnote 103 It can be assumed that the inclusion of this declaration by Iceland could mean that free movement of workers between EEA states was not thought of as having the potential to cause risks for Community states in general.
Switzerland signed the EEA Agreement, but it did not eventually ratify it. It rather proceeded in the signature of a bilateral Agreement, which guarantees free movement of persons between that country and the EU.Footnote 104 The Agreement regulates movement of both economic and non-economic actors, as well as the right of establishment and the provision of services. On workers, the Agreement guarantees general rights of entry and residence, to access employment, as well as a general non-discrimination right.Footnote 105 What is more, the Agreement provides for family reunification rights and the right of family members to take up economic activity.Footnote 106 Further, the children of migrant workers enjoy access to education under equal treatment.Footnote 107 Article 10(1) of the Agreement provided for a transitional regime, which allowed Switzerland to maintain quantitative limits for a period of maximum six years as regards access to economic activity for workers who wished to enter and reside for a period of longer than four months.Footnote 108 Moreover, for two years after the entry into force of the Agreement, the parties were allowed to maintain controls on the priority of workers integrated in the regular labour market and wage and working conditions.Footnote 109 The Agreement also included a standstill clause to prevent the introduction of more restrictive measures towards the nationals of the parties.
In light of the objective circumstances of the Agreement and the fact that it regulated movement between a single highly developed country and all the EU Member States, the risks posed by migration could only materialize for the Swiss economy. It then appears understandable that there is not only an extensive attribution of rights equating EU workers and Swiss workers, but also a series of guarantees incorporated in the Agreement to protect the Swiss economy from the sudden influx of EU migrants.
The EEA and the Swiss Bilateral Agreement have not been subject to much contestation before the Court as regards the rights of migrant workers covered thereby. As to the former, the EFTA Court established under the Agreement to ensure its judicial control and interpretation in the EFTA states has produced case-law on the rights of labour migrants under the EEA agreement in the EFTA states. The Court of Justice of the EU has not been called to interpret any provision regarding worker’s rights.Footnote 110 As regards the Swiss Agreement, limited case-law has addressed the application of the principle of non-discrimination as regards taxation, family benefits, and contributions to social security.Footnote 111
In two cases concerning the coordination of social security systems between EU and EEA and Switzerland, the Court had the opportunity to clarify the reason behind the extensive rights attributed to EEA and Swiss nationals.Footnote 112 The UK, supported by Ireland, went against the Council, requesting the annulment of two Decisions adopted on the coordination of social security systems under these Agreements.Footnote 113 They claimed that Article 48 TFEU, which was mentioned as the substantive legal basis of the Decisions, was not appropriate, as it referred to the competence of the EU to adopt measures regarding EU workers. Instead, they argued that the relevant Decisions should have been adopted under Article 79(2)b TFEU, which referred to the competence of the EU to adopt measures as regards the rights of TCNs.
The Court confirmed Article 48 TFEU as the appropriate legal basis for the adoption of Decisions, justifying the finding with reference to the objectives of the two Agreements. Specifically, the Court repeated that the EEA Agreement had the objective of the fullest possible realization of free movement within the whole EEA, with the purpose of extending the EU internal market to the EFTA states.Footnote 114 Similarly, the Bilateral Agreement with Switzerland was concluded with the aim of bringing free movement of persons on the basis of the rules applicable at Community level.Footnote 115 The objectives pursued by the Agreements in question were emphasized by the Court as the reason behind the extensive attribution of rights. There is nothing novel in this. The objective and context of an Agreement as elements to be taken into account in its interpretation are provided for by Article 31 VCLT, and this rule of interpretation has been applied by the Court in the interpretation of International Agreements in general.Footnote 116
Similarly to the EEA Agreement, the accession of Austria, Sweden, and Finland, which were EFTA states, did not involve discussions on the risk of migration. The candidate countries were equally developed; they were EFTA members and parties to the EEA Agreement signed in 1992, whose provisions had already provided for the extension of the free movement of workers regime between them and the Member States.Footnote 117 Austria was the only candidate that already had a large amount of labour migration from Southern and Eastern Europe.Footnote 118 For this reason, mirroring the first accession, Austria attached a Declaration which recognized its right to address the EU institutions in case of difficulties arising from free movement of workers, in order to find potential solutions.Footnote 119 The general safeguard clause was also included, but provided for a shorter period of two years in case of eventual need for protective measures.Footnote 120
The analysis in this chapter highlights that the absence of migration-related risks in the context of cooperation of the EU with third states, and relatedly the possibility of maintaining economic growth and social progress for all the parties involved at similar levels, led to full attribution of rights of migrants from specific third states. Essentially, the economic development of the host countries, their similar demographic patterns, and the lack of massive migratory movements therefrom to the EU are the reason behind such an extensive protection in the framework created by the Agreements. Similar considerations existed in the accession of Finland, Sweden, and Austria, with immediate attribution of free movement rights and incorporation of the general safeguard clause. The lack of economic risks dictates the full attribution of rights. At the same time, for the system to be sustainable, that is, to be able to address economic and social objectives in the long-term, safeguard clauses were incorporated, which allowed derogations if need appeared.
Overall, this second period of development of EU migration law started with the aspiration to transform the EU legal order, to breathe political elements into it, and to grant rights to all migrants resident in EU territory. The parallel pursuit of economic and social objectives guiding the development of EU law limited these aspirations. For EU migrants, the aspiration of engaging them in a political project could not lead to the granting of unlimited social rights. A full extension of social rights without economic limitations would undermine the pursuit of economic objectives and would thus be economically unsustainable. For TCN migrants, on the other hand, granting them rights was acceptable, but it was impossible to reach a consensus on admission due to the short-term approach of the Council to the economic objectives served by migration. Despite the interests of different institutions, the strong basis of equal treatment rights in relation to working conditions was not contested, as such rights acted as the minimum guarantee to ensure an economically and socially sustainable EU. The EU labour market could not effectively function without this as the outcome would be unfair competition and social dumping. National societies would also be characterized by grave injustice and exclusion, were it not for these minimum rights, and would also be socially unsustainable. The real challenge, which existed for both EU and TCN migrants and affected them equally, was access to social security rights. While granting full equal treatment on social security rights would be in line with the social objectives of the EU, it would simultaneously have the potential of disrupting the redistribution system of different Member States and it could undermine the economic objectives. Searching for economic and social sustainability behind the regulation of social rights of migrants was a challenging endeavour that would continue to tantalize the EU institutions in the next period.