Igbo-Ora, a town in southwestern Nigeria, has attracted global attention for its notably high incidence of dizygotic (DZ) twin births, reaching around 45 per 1000 live deliveries, which is considerably higher than global and regional averages (Isiugo-Abanihe, Reference Isiugo-Abanihe1994; Nylander, Reference Nylander1969). This rate is considerably greater than global DZ twinning averages, generally ranging between 8 and 16 per 1000 births across regions of the world (Bortolus et al., Reference Bortolus, Parazzini, Chatenoud, Benzi, Bianchi and Marini1999; Monden et al., Reference Monden, Pison and Smits2021).
Genetic studies have long identified hereditary patterns as the most significant factor responsible for the incidence of twin birth, indicating familial predisposition, typically transmitted maternally (Bulmer, Reference Bulmer1970; Lewis et al., Reference Lewis, Healey and Martin1996; Meulemans et al., Reference Meulemans, Lewis, Boomsma, Derom, Van den Berghe, Orlebeke, Vlietinck and Derom1996). Recent genome-wide association studies (GWAS) and meta-analyses have identified specific loci associated with spontaneous DZ twinning and female fecundity; this is notably found in variants close to FSHB and within SMAD3 (implicated in FSH regulation and ovarian responsiveness), and additional signals implicating GNRH1, FSHR, ZFPM1, and IPO8, which Mbarek et al. (Reference Mbarek, Gordon, Duffy, Hubers, Mortlock, Beck, Hottenga, Pool, Dolan, Actkins, Gerring, van Dongen, Ehli, Iacono, McGue, Chasman, Scott Gallagher, Schilit, Morton and Martin2024) described in their study as the genetic factors that regulate female propensity for giving birth to spontaneous DZ twins. These recent studies also report genetic correlations between DZ twinning and multiple reproductive traits, reinforcing a polygenic architecture for multiple ovulation (Gordon et al., Reference Gordon, Duffy, Whiteman, Olsen, McAloney, Adsett, Garden, Cross, List-Armitage, Brown, Beck, Mbarek, Medland, Montgomery and Martin2023; Mbarek et al., Reference Mbarek, Gordon, Duffy, Hubers, Mortlock, Beck, Hottenga, Pool, Dolan, Actkins, Gerring, van Dongen, Ehli, Iacono, McGue, Chasman, Scott Gallagher, Schilit, Morton and Martin2024; Mbarek et al., Reference Mbarek, Steinberg, Nyholt, Gordon, Miller, McRae, Hottenga, Day, Willemsen, de Geus, Davies, Martin, Penninx, Jansen, McAloney, Vink, Kaprio, Plomin, Spector and Boomsma2016). Epidemiological research also highlights maternal age, parity, nutrition, and socioeconomic factors as contributing to the incidence of DZ twinning (Cox, Reference Cox1963; Nylander, Reference Nylander1981; Smits & Monden, Reference Smits and Monden2011). Dietary factors are often considered, too, and the presence of phytoestrogens, particularly in yam species (genus Dioscorea), is often emphasized; hypothesizing their role in stimulating ovarian hyperstimulation and consequent multiple ovulations (Nylander, Reference Nylander1971).
Despite significant scholarly focus on biological explanations, cultural interpretations and local explanatory frameworks have not been sufficiently considered in the discourse around the incident of twin birth. In Igbo-Ora, the community often propose nuanced, multicausal explanations that include dietary habits, environmental uniqueness, genetic predispositions, and spiritual beliefs. For example, the consumption of specific traditional dishes, notably Ilasa soup (a dish made from okra leaves), is linked to increased twin pregnancies. However, in the community’s explanatory framework, this dietary hypothesis also intersects with deeply held spiritual beliefs attributing twinning occurrences to divine blessings or ancestral favor. These nuanced local narratives illustrate the need for inclusive frameworks that incorporate cultural explanatory models with scientific data.
Nigeria is among the world’s most religious countries, with national estimates showing a near‑even Christian–Muslim population (CIA World Factbook, 2018; Pew Research Center, 2025), and surveys report very high levels of religious practice (Afrobarometer, 2024). In Igbo-Ora — as in much of Yorubaland — the expression ‘divine blessing’ is used across Pentecostal, mainline Protestant, Catholic, and Muslim households. Many respondents also retain passive or occasional ties to Yoruba traditional observances (e.g., rites connected to Òrìṣà Ìbejì), reflecting a common Nigerian pattern of syncretic coexistence between the ‘big two’ religions and indigenous traditions. In this sense, Igbo-Ora is a microcosm of the national religious outlook, and the idiom of divine blessing functions as an encompassing explanatory frame for beneficial, otherwise unexplained outcomes, in this case twin birth. Thus, when respondents attribute twin births to ‘God’s blessing’, they are drawing on a widely shared Nigerian theistic vernacular — articulated by adherents across religious divide — that coexists with the indigenous worldview.
This article addresses the research gap through an interdisciplinary approach, combining and contrasting ethnographic insights with genetic, nutritional, and reproductive health studies. The objective is twofold: first, to critically evaluate local perceptions concerning genetic, dietary, and spiritual explanations for twinning in Igbo-Ora; and second, to juxtapose these community perceptions with scientific hypotheses emphasizing genetic inheritance and dietary influences. By doing so, this research contributes to twin studies by offering comprehensive insights into the nuanced and complex discourse around the incidence of twin birth in Igbo-Ora.
Literature Review
Genetics, specifically through maternal lineage, is often highlighted in twin studies as a significant influence in the incidence of twin birth across cultures of the world. Smits and Monden (Reference Smits and Monden2011) highlight the notable hereditary transmission of DZ twinning through maternal lines, emphasizing a genetic basis for regional twinning variations. Familial patterns in communities like Igbo-Ora reinforce this perspective, with intergenerational occurrences suggesting strong genetic influences.
Nutritional influences have also been critically examined, particularly regarding dietary components containing phytoestrogens. Nylander’s (Reference Nylander1979, Reference Nylander1981) seminal studies propose that yam consumption in West Africa may significantly influence twinning rates due to its high phytoestrogen content, potentially promoting ovarian hyperstimulation. Similarly, Akinboro et al. (Reference Akinboro, Azeez and Bakare2008) suggest that certain yam species widely consumed in Nigeria might contribute to elevated rates of multiple ovulations, thus increasing twin pregnancies. Olaniran and Ilasanmi (Reference Olaniran and Ilesanmi2022) in their study, concluded that Abelmoschus caillei A.Chev. (Malvaceae) significantly increased the serum concentrations of LH, FSH and Oestradiol in female Wistar rats and further postulated that this may play a role in the high incidences of twin births observed in Igbo-Ora town in Nigeria.
Community narratives in Igbo-Ora also highlight dietary factors such as Ilasa soup, a traditional preparation from okra leaves, as contributory. Omonkhua et al. (Reference Omonkhua, Okonofua, Ntoimo, Aruomaren, Adebayo and Nwuba2020) found that community members regularly attribute twin births to diets incorporating specific local foods, particularly Ilasa soup.
Spiritual and cultural beliefs constitute another critical aspect of twinning studies. Among the Yorubas, twin births are usually considered divine blessings that require specific rituals and reverence (Chappel, Reference Chappel1974, Leroy et al, Reference Leroy, Olaleye-Oruene, Koeppen-Schomerus and Bryan2002). This spiritual dimension significantly shapes community attitudes towards twin births, influencing familial and social structures.
Environmental and socio-cultural factors have likewise been explored in the literature. Maternal age and parity, identified as critical factors by Bortolus et al. (Reference Bortolus, Parazzini, Chatenoud, Benzi, Bianchi and Marini1999), also contribute significantly to twinning frequencies. Research indicates peak twinning rates often occur among women aged 30−34, contrasting notably with other populations where peaks occur in older maternal age brackets (Nylander, Reference Nylander1981). These demographic insights reflect broader socio-economic conditions and reproductive practices within specific cultural contexts.
Methods
This study adopted an ethnographic qualitative research design, carried out over 6 months in Igbo-Ora, Southwest Nigeria. The aim was to gain an in-depth understanding of the local community’s beliefs, practices, and explanations regarding the town’s unusually high rate of DZ twin births.
The research utilized a combination of participant observation, in-depth interviews, and FGDs to gather extensive qualitative data. Participant observation involved active involvement and immersion in community life, allowing direct and prolonged engagement with daily activities and special events, notably the annual Twins Festival. This method enabled the researcher to observe firsthand the cultural significance and community dynamics surrounding twin births.
In-depth interviews were conducted with a diverse range of participants to capture varied perspectives. Participants included parents of twins, twins themselves, traditional leaders, traditional birth attendants (TBAs), healthcare providers, school principals, teachers, and community residents without twins. Interviews were semistructured, allowing flexibility and depth in exploring participants’ experiences, perceptions, and explanatory models concerning twinning. Interview sessions ranged from 45 minutes to over an hour, and were audio-recorded with participant consent to ensure accuracy and reliability during transcription.
Five FGDs complemented the individual interviews, providing collective insights and facilitating richer interactions among community members. Each FGD had between 6 and 10 participants and included parents of twins, young mothers, older parents, and twins themselves. These discussions revealed communal attitudes and allowed the researcher to observe how ideas were collectively constructed and negotiated within the group setting.
Sampling was purposive and snowball-based, targeting individuals with specific relevance to the study, ensuring diverse representation across gender, age, social status, and occupation. Snowball sampling helped leverage local networks to reach participants who might otherwise have been inaccessible. The sample included participants from the town’s various autonomous communities, providing comprehensive representation and insight.
Data analysis involved systematic thematic analysis. Audio recordings were transcribed verbatim and translated from Yoruba to English, with careful attention to maintaining linguistic nuances and cultural meanings.
Ethical considerations were rigorously addressed, ensuring informed consent, confidentiality, and respect for local cultural sensitivities. Ethical clearance was obtained from relevant local authorities, and efforts were made to ensure transparency and community engagement throughout the research process.
Results
The findings from this ethnographic study reveal a complex interplay of beliefs, perceptions, and attitudes among the people of Igbo-Ora regarding the unusually high rate of DZ twin births. Through extensive participant observation, in-depth interviews, and FGDs, several intersecting themes emerged. These include perceptions of genetic inheritance, environmental uniqueness, dietary influences, divine blessing, community identity, and skepticism towards external scientific narratives. These themes were consistently referenced across participant groups, though varying in emphasis.
Perceptions of Genetic Inheritance and Family Lineage
Many respondents attributed the high prevalence of twins in Igbo-Ora to hereditary factors. There is a widespread belief that twinning ‘runs in the blood’ and follows family lines. Participants often referred to a ‘twin thread’ believed to be passed down through generations, which predisposes certain families to twin births. One respondent stated, ‘In my family, almost everyone has twins. My grandmother had twins, my mother had twins, and now I have twins. It’s in our blood.’ Others described a sense of inevitability about twin births if one possessed this ‘thread’, though they also acknowledged exceptions, noting that not all members of a family line with twins would necessarily have twins themselves.
This perception was reinforced by several healthcare workers and traditional birth attendants (TBAs), who also acknowledged that women with a family history of twins were more likely to give birth to twins themselves; a midwife noted, ‘In this health center, delivering twins is routine. We deliver at least one or two sets of twins every month.’ Yet, some respondents expressed ambivalence, noting that twinning does not always follow a strict hereditary pattern. One father of twins noted, ‘Even though my wife has twins in her family, not all her sisters have twins. Sometimes, it skips.’ Such remarks highlight a recognition of the complexity of genetic inheritance while reaffirming its cultural significance. This belief aligns with scientific research highlighting maternal hereditary factors as a significant influence on DZ twinning. Yet, while residents recognized genetic influence, they expressed caution in presenting it as the sole cause.
Dietary Practices and the Ilasa Soup Narrative
Respondents identify the role of Ilasa, a soup made from okra leaves, and their distinct cassava flour meal in a somewhat tongue-in-cheek manner. For instance, when asked if Ilasa or lafun (Cassava flour meal) might be responsible, one respondent retorted somewhat ironically, ‘Yes, when you eat Ilasa very well, you will have twins, it is real. That is what God give us.’
Another respondent, when asked whether it is Ilasa and the local method of making cassava flour, offered a response half seriously and half in jest: ‘You people have said it’s Ilaasa. Especially when you eat it very well with lafun.’
The playful tone in such exchanges suggests that while they recognize these outside narratives — that a unique yam diet is responsible for the high incidence of twin birth — they do not wholeheartedly endorse them as strict, matter-of-fact explanations. In these instances, referencing Ilasa can become a way to humor the outsider’s curiosity or simplify a complex phenomenon into a convenient, if not entirely earnest, response.
However, some respondents do take the idea of nutritional influence more seriously, though not as a standalone explanation. They see nutrition as one possible factor among many, operating pari passu with spiritual dynamics and genetic predispositions. As one individual reasoned, ‘We believe it’s Ilaasa, especially when eaten with lafun. But don’t forget, divine blessing and the hereditary thread in our blood also matter.’
Others, in contrast, firmly reject the notion that diet exerts a decisive influence. One interviewee declared, ‘I don’t believe Ilaasa or any other food is the factor responsible for the high twin birth. It is God that programmed it that way.’
This respondent’s position aligns with local skepticism toward attributing too much causal weight to any single earthly factor. In their view, divine agency eclipses material considerations, placing nutritional theories on the periphery of causal explanations.
Divine Blessing and Spiritual Interpretations
Many residents described twins as gifts from God, emphasizing the role of divine intervention over biological or environmental factors. Religious expressions, prayers, and offerings are often made in gratitude for twin births, reflecting the deep spiritual meaning attached to the phenomenon.
Many residents not only emphasize the role of the divine but also express a clear opposition to material or genetic factors as primary causes. They assert that while other factors may contribute, it is ultimately the ‘God factor’ that is pre-eminent and supersedes all others.
One respondent passionately stated, ‘One of the factors is that it runs in our blood; it is God’s gift. If someone from another town or even country settles down in Igbo-Ora, they too can as well give birth to twins.’
This perspective underscores the belief that the blessing of twins is not confined to genetic lineage but is a divine endowment accessible to all who become part of the community.
Another respondent challenged the emphasis on dietary explanations offered by outsiders, remarking thus: ‘People have said it is Ilaasa. But really, the high incidence of twin birth is from God.’
This statement reflects a skepticism towards attributing the phenomenon to nutritional factors alone and reaffirms the centrality of divine influence. This suggests that the attribution to specific foods emerged only when the true cause — the will of God — seemed elusive or intangible. The sentiment that divine providence overrides other explanations is further echoed by another respondent who declared that: ‘It is God that is responsible and not Ilasa. It is when we couldn’t place the factors responsible that we began to say Ilasa and lafun.’
Also, some community members observe a shift in beliefs over time, indicating that while traditional beliefs centered on divine blessings, contemporary explanations have started to incorporate material factors. This is perhaps influenced by external narratives or a desire for tangible explanations as is thus reflected by one respondent: ‘In the olden days, they believed it is just a blessing from God. But nowadays, we say it is Ilasa.’
Environmental Factors
Some participants suggested that environmental elements unique to Igbo-Ora may influence the high twinning rate. There were speculations about natural estrogen-like compounds present in the soil, plants, or water, which could enhance fertility or stimulate multiple ovulations. Although these views lack empirical verification, they reveal an evolving local narrative that blends cultural knowledge with emerging biomedical ideas.
The environment of Igbo-Ora is often cited by residents as a significant factor contributing to the high incidence of twin births. This belief extends beyond mere speculation; it is supported by anecdotes of individuals who, after spending time in Igbo-Ora, experience increased fertility, particularly the birth of twins. While cautious not to attribute the phenomenon to a single cause, many community members believe that the unique qualities of their natural surroundings — the air, water, and soil — play a crucial role in aiding twin pregnancies.
One resident recounted a compelling instance that underscores this belief: ‘I know someone. He came here because he wanted to give birth. He and his wife settled here for a while and gave birth to twins, then returned to Lagos afterwards. Even other ethnic groups within Igbo-Ora often give birth to twins.’
This narrative suggests that the mere act of residing in Igbo-Ora, regardless of one’s origin or ethnicity, can influence reproductive outcomes. The implication is that there is something inherent in the environment of Igbo-Ora that promotes the conception of twins.
Another community member echoed this sentiment, stating: ‘Some people came to work here in Igbo-Ora, and they eventually gave birth to twins. There is blessing in the air, water, food they consume.’
A perspective that attributes the high twinning rate to a holistic environmental influence, where the elements of air, water, and food collectively contribute to the phenomenon, reflects a belief that the environment itself is imbued with a beneficial quality that enhances fertility and the likelihood of twin births.
The unique properties of Igbo-Ora’s water are frequently highlighted by residents as a testament to the special nature of their environment. A respondent remarked: ‘If you are going to Lagos and you want to cook Ilasa, you must cook with Igbo-Ora water.’
Ilasa, a traditional okra leaf soup, is known for its ‘drawy’ consistency, a quality that, according to locals, can only be achieved with water from Igbo-Ora. This assertion underscores the belief that the water possesses distinctive characteristics not found elsewhere.
A respondent also noted: ‘There might be something in our environment — the water, the soil, the air — that contributes to having twins. But we can’t say it’s just one thing. It’s likely a combination of factors.’
Expanding on the interplay between the environment and twin births, another resident shared an interesting anecdote:
Since Ilasa is being grown here, that means through photosynthesis, our water, land; this hormone called estrogen lives there. There was an Igbo woman who got married to a man from Igbo-Ora. She decided not to eat Ilasa and cassava flour because she does not want twins, but she forgot she is drinking our water, breathing in our air. When she eventually gave birth, her first, second, and third born were twins.
Birth Rank and Maternal Parity
Respondents noted a marked increase in twin births among younger, sometimes adolescent mothers, contradicting the notion that twin pregnancies typically cluster later in a woman’s reproductive life. As one interviewee remarked, ‘Giving birth to twins is common among the younger ones… the youth compared to the older ones.’
Another respondent added, ‘Yes, young girls who fall pregnant early give birth to twins more now. It’s quite prevalent and common among people not yet responsible for their own wellbeing.’
These remarks suggest that new socioeconomic, environmental, or cultural factors may be shifting reproductive patterns in Igbo-Ora.
There is also a local belief that birth rank offers little help in predicting whether a mother will have twins. A community member insisted: ‘Someone can have twins one, two, three, or more times. They can come as first born, second born, or even last born.’
The people of Igbo-Ora highlight that twin birth can occur indiscriminately across various pregnancies. Respondents highlighted that there are women who have twins as their first children, as well as others who have twin births repeatedly, regardless of how many previous pregnancies they have had.
These local understandings also tie into a cultural norm: the expectation that families do not end childbearing with twins. One respondent explained, ‘When you give birth to twins, it is expected to have Idowu.’
This means a singleton child (Idowu) should follow the twins to ensure twins do not remain the last born. This desire for an Idowu can lead some mothers to continue reproducing even after having one or more sets of twins, further complicating any predictable relationship between higher parity and twin births.
Complementarity of Factors
Residents of Igbo-Ora frequently stress that no single explanation — be it genetic, nutritional, spiritual, or environmental — fully accounts for their community’s high incidence of twin births. Instead, they emphasize a blend of causes. This perspective aligns with earlier studies on multiple births in Nigeria (Cox, Reference Cox1963; Nylander, Reference Nylander1971), which recognized that while factors like diet or genetics might be relevant, they do not singularly determine twinning outcomes.
A succinct example of this holistic stance can be deduced from the words of one of the respondents:
Yes, diet is one of the factors, and the other factor is genetic. Gene is the major factor. Even an indigene of Igbo-Ora who did not live in Igbo-Ora and who doesn’t eat Ilasa often also gives birth to twins. Food is just a facilitative factor.
From this view, dietary habits — centered on local staples such as Ilasa or Lafun may play some role but are subordinate to genetic heritage. By depicting nutrition as merely ‘facilitative’, the respondent affirms that genetic predispositions, spiritual dimensions, and environmental factors all merge to support, but do not solely cause, twin births.
In many accounts, this blend of causes also includes a strong belief in divine intervention. Respondents often point to ‘God’s favor’ or ancestral blessings as decisive, even while acknowledging that certain diets or inherited ‘twin genes’ can heighten the chance of having twins. A respondent who half-jokingly claims ‘Eat Ilasa very well and you’ll have twins’ may soon add that genetics or God’s will ultimately shape the outcome.
Discussion
Igbo-Ora is a community of Yoruba people, one of the major ethnicities in Nigeria. In Yoruba cosmology, twins (Ìbejì) are regarded as spiritually potent beings linked to the deity, Òrìṣà Ìbejì, and to a moral economy of care that confers blessing when honored and misfortune when neglected. At birth, twins are given a distinct name — Taiwo and Kehinde — a category of names accompanying the birth of new born which codifies the extraordinary circumstance of their birth with Kehinde acknowledged as the elder who ‘sent’ Taiwo ahead. There are also prescriptions and taboos around feeding and display, as certain parents of twins set up a shrine in their home in honor of their Ibeji, making regular ritual offerings to the ibeji deity, with foods like beans, red palm oil, vegetables, pumpkin, and so forth (Chappel, Reference Chappel1974; Courlander, Reference Courlander1973; Thompson, Reference Thompson1971). And, in mourning the sad incidence of the death of a twin, a statuette, called ère Ìbejì, is commissioned that materially sustains the child’s presence within the family (Chappel, Reference Chappel1974; Leroy et al., Reference Leroy, Olaleye-Oruene, Koeppen-Schomerus and Bryan2002). These practices and rituals — although they are not practiced strictly in modern times — underscore the importance of twins in Yoruba society.
The findings of this study provide a detailed account of how the people of Igbo-Ora explain the exceptionally high incidence of DZ twinning within their community. Their narratives reveal a careful, multilayered understanding that is at variance with the somewhat simplistic explanations proffered by external observers. Residents acknowledge several factors, including hereditary predisposition, diet, environment, spirituality, and social norms; however, they consistently emphasize that none of these factors on their own is sufficient to explain the phenomenon. Their insistence on complementarity reflects both critical engagement with scientific explanations and the enduring influence of cultural, environmental, and spiritual reasoning.
Residents often refer to a ‘twin thread’ that runs within families, describing twinning as something embedded in bloodlines. This belief aligns to a certain extent with scientific literature, which acknowledges the role of maternal genetic factors in increasing the likelihood of DZ twin births. Yet, respondents do not present heredity as an absolute determinant. They are aware of inconsistencies, noting that not everyone from families with twins will have twins themselves. This reflects a nuanced understanding of genetics, where inherited traits are significant but not definitive.
Alongside genetics, the dietary explanation, particularly the role of Ilasa soup and cassava flour (lafun), features prominently in local discourse. The responses often carry a playful or ironic tone, revealing the community’s awareness of external curiosity surrounding their diet. While some participants highlight Ilasa as a cause, they frequently do so with humor, suggesting they recognize its role as part of a broader, more complex system rather than a sole factor. Others explicitly downplay the diet explanation, asserting that divine agency or genetics outweigh any influence of food. The community’s playful engagement with dietary explanations suggests both pride in their cultural identity and skepticism towards oversimplified dietary theories, such as the popular ‘yam theory’ promoted by some researchers and media.
Respondents also emphasize that twins are ultimately a gift from God, reinforcing the view that divine blessing supersedes biological or environmental explanations. Residents express a belief that twin births are not strictly confined to lineage or place of origin but can be accessed by anyone who integrates into the community, provided they become part of the socio-spiritual fabric of Igbo-Ora. This interpretation elevates twin births from a purely biological occurrence to a manifestation of divine favor, reinforcing the sacred status of twins in the community.
Environmental factors are also believed to be a significant causal agent, with residents attributing part of the high twinning rate to the unique qualities of Igbo-Ora’s air, water, and soil. Some participants speculated about naturally occurring estrogen-like compounds in the environment, reflecting an evolving interaction with biomedical concepts. Others provided anecdotal evidence of outsiders, including non-Yoruba individuals, experiencing twin births after residing in Igbo-Ora for a period.
Contrary to some scientific studies suggesting that higher parity increases the likelihood of twin births, residents reported twin births among first-time mothers, adolescents, and across various birth ranks. This observation challenges some general scientific assumptions and highlights how local reproductive patterns may be shifting due to environmental or social changes. Furthermore, cultural expectations, such as the tradition of having an Idowu (singleton) child after twins, influence reproductive decisions and further complicate linear associations between parity and twin births.
Perhaps the most consistent theme across the interviews and group discussions is the rejection of singular explanations. Residents emphasize a complementarity of factors, weaving together hereditary, dietary, environmental, and spiritual dimensions. They frame diet as a ‘facilitative factor’, acknowledge genetic predisposition, and affirm the decisive role of divine blessing. Their narratives resist oversimplification, reflecting a sophisticated worldview that balances scientific reasoning with cultural identity and spiritual belief.
This complementarity mirrors broader anthropological understandings of how people make sense of complex phenomena, blending different knowledge systems to produce coherent, culturally meaningful explanations. In the case of Igbo-Ora, residents demonstrate critical engagement with both local traditions and external scientific ideas, accepting useful insights while challenging reductive interpretations.
These findings suggest that scientific research on high twinning rates in Igbo-Ora must avoid reductionist approaches that isolate genetics, diet, or environment as sole causes. Instead, future investigations should embrace interdisciplinary models that integrate biomedical science with the community’s lived experiences and culturally grounded explanations. By doing so, researchers can foster more accurate, respectful, and holistic understandings of the Igbo-Ora twinning phenomenon.
Challenges and Reflection
In some instances, during FGDs, excitement about the festival or personal experiences with twin births led to interjections and tangential debates that required sensitive moderation. Because trust-building was critical, a pilot phase of casual visits and informal conversations were conducted before formal interviews and FGDs commenced. Many of this initial contact happened during the twin festival. This approach reduced suspicion and helped participants see the research as a genuine exploration rather than a perfunctory data-gathering exercise. In-depth interviews enabled one-on-one engagement with community members, FGDs revealed how group consensus or divergence emerges, participant observation helped ground the research in everyday realities, and document analysis added historical and comparative insight. Through this methodological blend, it was possible to capture both the shared cultural framings and the individual nuances that define Igbo-Ora’s narrative of the incidence of twin birth.
Acknowledgments
I wish to express my heartfelt appreciation to the people of Igbo-Ora for their immense kindness and warmth, for opening their doors and minds to me to share their beliefs regarding the incidence of twin birth in Igbo-Ora. I am especially thankful to the leaders of the community who gave me access and pointed me to the right direction within the community during fieldwork. I am indebted to the Institute of African Studies (IAS) at the University of Ibadan for providing the resources, support, and intellectual foundation that significantly contributed to the success of this research. I am also grateful for the support and guidance of Professor S. A. Ajala, of the Department of Anthropology at the University of Ibadan for his guidance and insight during and after fieldwork.
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